Examples of Systems Science Approaches to Valuing Community-Based Prevention
Under ideal circumstances, there are sufficient data available for all of the domains and elements of value for the development of decision support tools. A systems science model based on these data and on the causal relationships among the variables could simulate or reproduce the impacts of different interventions on the variables in the system as well as the resulting changes to the structure of the system overall.
Yet, as noted in Chapter 2, many of the policy, system, and environmental interventions to reduce chronic and infectious diseases and to promote population health have a limited evidence base with which to work. There are other obstacles as well, including the short-term tenure of policy and decision makers and disagreements about valued outcomes and priorities among local decision makers. For instance, elected officials may have a preference for innovative strategies rather than evidence-based ones because they wish to draw attention to their campaign or platform or highlight their accomplishments while they are still in office. However, such innovations may be difficult to identify and measure in a timely fashion. As another example, representative input from community members may shed light on previous policy successes and failures or other historical trends; however, the voices of many community members are often underrepresented or infrequently assessed and reported.
One way to advance the field is to use qualitative methods to support the generation of systems science maps or diagrams that capture the underlying theories of change and causal structures in the system. See Figure B-1 for a theoretical illustration of a causal loop diagram—i.e., a map—of a

FIGURE B-1 Example causal loop diagram for value of community-based prevention policies.
system that incorporates prevention policies, health, community well-being, and community processes.
Figure B-1 provides an illustration of a comprehensive system for increasing the understanding of the value of community-based prevention policies. While it is difficult to disentangle the multiple moving parts in this comprehensive system, the diagram provides insights about how variables in the system influence or are influenced by multiple other variables in the system (e.g., economic development or population physical health). These variables are cross-cutting variables that appear in multiple pathways emerging from the causal loop diagram, and they highlight important leverage points in the system that can be used to gain momentum for change throughout the system.
Developing these diagrams helps identify variables in the system, causal relationships between the variables in the system, and key leverage points in the system that may impact multiple other variables in the system (e.g., “crime” in Figure B-1). In turn these diagrams can be used to generate common understanding or agreement about the system, to set priorities related to places to intervene in the system, or to identify variables and associated measures that can be assessed in order to test the variables in the system using simulation models, among others. Furthermore, systems science model development efforts benefit from the experiential knowledge that community representatives accumulate about the successes and challenges associated with developing, implementing, and evaluating community-based prevention policies and wellness strategies (Homer and Hirsch, 2006).
A closer examination of the causal loop diagram can also help make more explicit the theories of change—or pathways from prevention policies to health outcomes—as well as the underlying structures serving to reinforce or hinder change processes. See Figure B-2 for an illustration of pathways associated with tobacco use, nutrition, and physical activity.
To understand the feedback loops, it is helpful to take a closer look at some of the pathways in the causal loop diagram in Figure B-2. For example, a feedback loop associated with tobacco use, which is highlighted in yellow, may represent the following causal structure:

FIGURE B-2 Pathways for prevention policies related to tobacco use, nutrition, and physical activity.
In addition, there are a few relevant pathways (not highlighted) for increasing the value of this community-based prevention policy, including greater policy impact, greater population physical health (or mental health as relevant), and fewer policy costs associated with policy development, adoption, implementation, enforcement, and evaluation.
As another example, one of the feedback loops for nutrition is highlighted in blue, and it may represent the following causal structure:
A final example, which includes one of the feedback loops for physical activity, is highlighted in green. It has the potential to represent the following causal structure:
Through group model building, innovative community participatory methods of data collection and analysis provide opportunities to develop conceptual models with community representatives that can serve as the basis for the construction of the simulation models (Hovmand et al., 2012; Vennix, 1996, 1999). The use of community-based participatory methods has helped to elucidate complex interactions of social, political, economic, environmental, and health conditions as experienced by community members (Krieger et al., 2002; Lantz et al., 2001; Metzler et al., 2003; Schulz et al., 2002); to establish trusting relationships to increase understanding and insight (Lincoln and Guba, 1985); to foster co-learning and capacity building among all partners (Israel et al., 2005); and to create greater balance between knowledge generation and intervention for the mutual benefit of all partners (Wallerstein, 1999).
Likewise, the resource-based view (RBV) of systems provides a method to examine how differences are ascribed to different kinds of systems or different arrangements of tangible and intangible resources. To examine variation across communities, RBV focuses on the level of key resources in communities and how they are arranged (Morecroft, 2008; Morecroft et al., 2002; Warren, 2002). Therefore, differences in trends between systems
get explained both by differences in tangible or intangible resources and differences in how those resources are organized. For example, two communities can have the same level of resources (e.g., funding to support air, water, and soil quality), yet exhibit very different trends because the communities differ in how those resources are organized and mobilized (e.g., allocation of funds to policy development, industry regulation, or community promotional campaigns) (Brennan et al., no date).
Tangible resources may include new policies (e.g., a smoking ban or Medicaid reimbursement rules), environments (e.g., farmer’s market or mobile health clinics), programs (e.g., the Walking School Bus or after-school programs), promotional efforts (e.g., pink ribbons for breast cancer awareness and condom distribution), and social determinants (e.g., education, housing, and employment), among others. Intangible resources may include engagement (e.g., citizen participation and leadership by local champions), awareness and demand, social norms and influence (e.g., reciprocity and power), and cultural and psychosocial factors (e.g., values and traditions, beliefs). From a practice perspective, tangible resources tend to be easier than intangible resources for decision makers to identify and manage (Morecroft, 2002). In turn, from an evaluation perspective tangible resources are more readily observed and measured, and intangible resources may not get captured in the data or subsequent analyses.
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