APPENDIX A

Literature Review

Introduction

As part of this research project, the authors updated the literature review presented in TCRP Synthesis 121: Transit Agency Practices in Interacting with People Who Are Homeless (Boyle 2016). The authors reviewed literature with intersections between homelessness and transportation research and homelessness, as well as topic areas such as criminal justice and public land, to see how other fields are responding to homelessness in areas with core relevance to transit agencies. This document provides a summation that highlights key findings specifically from recent literature about:

1. Who experiences homelessness and why transit agencies have an important role to play in preventing and resolving homelessness and supporting people experiencing homelessness;
2. Transit agencies’ experiences, perceptions, and responses to homelessness;
3. Other public-asset-managing agencies that do not traditionally work with people experiencing homelessness but are experiencing increased connections with homelessness in places like libraries, parks, and rights-of-way; and
4. Synthesizing and summary materials of the literature review that were used to inform discussions during the project.

Search Methodology

The research methodology employed:

• TRID, the integrated database that includes TRB’s Transportation Research Information Services (TRIS) and International Transport Research Documentation (ITRD) databases. In addition to traditional peer-reviewed research, this database includes research in progress and research projects sponsored by the U.S. DOT, state DOTs, and university transportation centers, as well as conference summaries that are not included in other databases.
• Other online databases, including Google Scholar and Web of Science.
• Conference proceedings from organizations and conferences such as TRB, APTA, American Planning Association (APA), National Association of City Transportation Officials (NACTO) Designing Cities conference, American Collegiate Schools of Planning, Society for Community Research and Action (a division of the American Psychological Association), Urban Affairs Association, Society for Social Work and Research, American Public Health Association, American Association of Geographers, American Studies, and Western Political Science Association.
• Internet searches. These searches focused on new programs and policies that are being implemented to address needs, barriers, and challenges.
• Listservs/experts. Known experts and relevant organizations and listservs were contacted for unpublished studies, programs in development, and other grey literature that would not be

• available through the databases listed previously. Examples include TRB committees, NACTO, Council of University Transportation Centers, APTA, National Alliance to End Homelessness, National Low-Income Housing Coalition, U.S. Interagency Council to End Homelessness, Urban Institute, and PolicyLink. Members of the research team are members of many of the relevant TRB committees, are involved with these organizations, or have other existing partnerships that allowed them to quickly gather the most recent work in this area.

Defining Homelessness, Who Experiences It, and How It Is Experienced

Within the fields working with or affected by homelessness, various regulatory and conceptual definitions exist for homelessness. Other definitions reside in the general public’s conceptions of what homelessness is. To assist with effective collaboration, definitions are offered here to help create consistency and shared language between transit agencies and the social service agencies supporting people who experience homelessness.

Living Circumstances

Homelessness is defined by where people live, with particular emphasis on where they sleep. There are two federal definitions of homelessness that receive the most attention. The first is the HUD federal definition, and, implicitly, it is the one used in TCRP Synthesis 121. This definition lays out specific criteria for what qualifies someone for homeless services. The first category, described as “homeless,” states: “Individual or family who lacks a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence . . .” with additional supporting criteria. For example, in this category, someone may be routinely sleeping in something not “fit for human habitation,” may be living in an emergency shelter or transitional housing, or may be exiting an institution they have resided in for less than 90 days and were homeless before entering the institution (Boyle 2016, p. 1). Within the homeless definition there are four categories of homelessness that HUD outlines: (1) literally homeless, (2) imminent risk of homelessness, (3) homeless under other federal statutes, and (4) fleeing/attempting to flee domestic violence (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development n.d.).

The Department of Education expands the definition of homelessness to people living “doubled-up” (National Center for Homeless Education 2021). Here, unaccompanied youth or families with school-aged children living doubled-up because of dire economic or safety needs. These families or youth have nowhere else to go. People are allowing them to stay in housing that is now likely overcrowded or in violation of a lease agreement or federal support the person on the lease may be receiving. As a result, there is a potential that these individuals or families become unsheltered. While TCRP Synthesis 121 did not discuss doubled-up populations, the authors of this report believe that incorporating this category of homelessness into transit agency discussions will allow more robust planning for responding to and preventing homelessness. In particular, the ED annual homelessness counts are much higher than HUD’s and allow localities to understand the true scope of homelessness better. For instance, in the 2017–2018 academic year, about 1.5 million students enrolled in K-12 schools experienced homelessness. Conversely, in 2017 HUD reported 553,742 people in total experienced homelessness.

Frequency and Length of Homelessness

TCRP Synthesis 121 utilized three temporal categories for homelessness: chronic homeless, episodic homelessness, and transitional homelessness (Boyle 2016). Generally speaking, people

experiencing chronic homelessness have been homeless for a year or longer or have experienced multiple episodes of homelessness over several years. Episodic homelessness refers to people who have had multiple fairly short periods of homelessness within a shorter period of time (e.g., a year). Transitional homelessness refers to people who enter a shelter, are homeless for a brief period of time, and do not tend to experience homelessness again.

Who Experience Homelessness

Anyone can experience homelessness, but homelessness increases as housing prices increase and wages stay stagnant or decrease. People with less money are more likely to become homeless. According to the most recent HUD Annual Housing Assessment Report (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development 2021b), approximately 580,466 individuals experienced homelessness on a single night in the United States during 2020. This is an increase of 12,751 (2.2%) people since 2019. Nearly four in 10 (226,080) experiencing homeless were in unsheltered locations such as in abandoned buildings, on the street, or in other locations unsuitable for human habitation; this rose by 7% from 2019. There are significant disparities for people of color experiencing homelessness. About 39% of the people who experienced homelessness in 2019 were Black, compared to being 13% of the U.S. population. Although American Indian, Alaska Native, Pacific Islander, and Native Hawaiian populations account for 1% of the U.S. population, they account for a higher percentage of the unsheltered population (7%) and of the people who experienced homelessness (5%). Across all people who experience homelessness, 23% identify as Hispanic or Latino.

Public Transit System Users Experiencing Homeless

For a transit agency, people who are experiencing unsheltered homelessness and those experiencing chronic or episodic homelessness are those that employees most often encounter and believe to be homeless and who generate the most comments from other transit riders. People experiencing these types of homelessness may be living with physical or mental disabilities. These disabilities may have existed before they became homeless or may have occurred while they were experiencing homelessness. While transit agencies respond to these types of homelessness, they should also keep in mind the less visible types of homelessness, including the types that their staff members may be experiencing. People living in their car might be showering at a gym and putting on a suit for a job interview. Students may be using transit for the first time to access their school because their family has moved in with a distant cousin far from where they lived. Transit agencies should also consider the disparate rates of people of color experiencing homelessness, higher rates of transit use by people of color, and higher rates of citations of people of color.

Transit and Homelessness Literature

This section summarizes the literature found related to transit agencies and homelessness. The focus here is on applied research, program implementation, and evaluation and monitoring work done by transit agencies.

Key Previous Studies

Several studies were found that are related to homelessness and transit services. These are discussed in the following subsections.

TCRP Synthesis 121: Transit Agency Practices in Interacting with People Who Are Homeless

TCRP Synthesis 121 (Boyle 2016) includes a literature review; findings from a survey of 65 transit agencies about their interactions with people experiencing homelessness; interviews staff at six agencies with innovative responses, policies, and outreach programs with people experiencing homelessness; and findings based on integrating these data. The report focuses (although not exclusively) on people who are unsheltered and experiencing homelessness.

The synthesis contained the following findings and suggestions:

• Homelessness affects transit systems and is seen as a major issue by larger transit agencies; not all transit agency staff understand that different groups of people experience homelessness.
• Successful enforcement policies focus on actions and not types of people; agencies should be consistent with enforcement.
• Instead of relying on enforcement, transit agencies should begin developing or build on existing practices to partner with social service organizations; if they do not know where to start, they should contact a local government partner.
• Frontline staff should be trained in conflict resolution and de-escalation skills as well as in understanding how to show respect to all people, including those experiencing homelessness.
• Agency leadership is key to moving efforts further.
• Partnerships between transit agencies and social service providers, where service staff work at transit locations, were showing positive results.

Public Transit and Social Responsibility: Homelessness

As part of APTA’s work to further explore the relationship between public transit and social responsibility and to determine how its members can support people experiencing homelessness, the American Public Transportation Association’s leadership report (Bell et al. 2018) includes a literature review, a survey of transit agencies, and interviews with agency staff and community leaders. The survey found, similarly to TCRP Synthesis 121, that 73% of transit agencies believed homelessness negatively affected their overall ridership and that 68% believed agencies should play a role in addressing homelessness. In addition, 87% of agencies responded to homelessness by training frontline employees to be better equipped to interact with people believed to be experiencing homelessness.

APTA describes the report findings and recommendations as a call to action. It encourages transit agencies to take on the following activities: (1) treat all people with dignity and respect, (2) pair law enforcement officers with social service outreach workers, (3) ensure that transit routes connect riders to social services, (4) work with local partners to identify funding opportunities for projects, and (5) identify activities not dependent on funding.

Homelessness in Transit Environments Survey

The UCLA Homelessness in Transit Environments report (Loukaitou-Sideris et al. 2020) includes a survey of 115 transit operators in the United States and Canada and 142 individuals about homelessness in their systems. Core findings include (1) 85% of respondents reported homelessness-related issues as being challenging to some degree; (2) six out of 10 respondents reported the presence of unhoused riders in transit settings to have a detrimental impact on ridership among housed people (86% reported receiving complaints about people assumed to be homeless); (3) most (81%) respondents did not consider addressing police brutality to be a challenging issue; (4) a relatively small percentage of agencies (15%) did not consider lack of resources, training, and support to be a challenge in responding to homelessness; (5) staff at large transit operators were statistically more likely to characterize the extent of homelessness

as being a challenge than were staff at smaller agencies; (6) respondents believed the impacts of homelessness in transit agencies have increased since 2016; and (7) a small percentage of agencies (19%) have developed formal policies on homelessness on their systems.

Critical issues presented as challenges included lack of funding and resources to address transit-homelessness issues and lack of support from the city, county, or state governments to address the issue. About one-third of agencies use social service workers and outreach personnel from other agencies. Implementation of policies, initiatives, and procedures to address homelessness is mostly shared by law enforcement agencies and transit agency staff.

Recommendations of the Task Forces on Homelessness in the New York City Subway System

The New York City MTA partnered with other government agencies to form a task force to develop recommendations about how to respond to homelessness within the subway system. The task force was created in light of a PIT count that showed a 20% increase in people using the city transit subways as shelter (Siff 2019). The recommendations included (1) deploying emergency teams to deliver direct outreach, such as for accessing shelter and providing mental and physical health services, to people living within the transit system; (2) increasing the number of police by at least 50% to provide a routine presence in the subway system with a focus on maintaining system safety and reducing fare evasion; (3) providing training to station employees on how to report violations and publicize MTA rules of conduct through media and campaigns about applicable rules and regulations, such as panhandling not being permitted on the subway or trains, and better reach/informing riders about extensive services that are available in New York and how to access such resources; (4) working closely and coordinating government partners to better engage with individuals who are homeless and seeking shelter in the transit system and to revise policies and procedures to improve the effectiveness of the outreach program; and (5) having the MTA Office of Inspector General conduct an annual audit and provide oversight of the implementation of these recommendations.

Summary

Three national studies about homelessness and transit were discussed that have been completed since 2016, along with a study completed by the NYC MTA. Several themes, responses, and recommendations emerge. Unsheltered homelessness affects the day-to-day activities of transit agencies in a manner that is visible to transit agency staff. In wanting to respond to homelessness, transit agencies look to enforcement of rules that people experiencing homelessness might be violating, and also work with local government and social service agencies to provide or connect people experiencing homelessness to services (including individuals who might be sheltered or not presumed to be homeless based on a visual identification). These studies have highlighted a growing interest in transit agencies to developing partnerships with social services providers, but there are only a few examples, and there has been little evaluation. TCRP Synthesis 121 suggested a dual approach. Given the attention the criminal justice system has received recently and its importance in supporting a transit agency’s work with people experiencing homelessness, enforcement is covered next.

Enforcement, Transit, and Homelessness

The criminal justice system contributes to the creation and perpetuation of homelessness, and the negative impacts of this same system on people of color are well documented. An in-depth analysis of the studies that examine the intersection of policing and homelessness or policing and racism is beyond the scope of this literature review. Key points are summarized as they relate to transit, homelessness, and racism for transit systems.

Laws, policies, and programs enacted and implemented by transit agencies or other government entities can target and criminalize behaviors associated with homelessness such as sleeping in public, public urination, and panhandling (Mayer and Reichert 2018; Carey et al. 2017; National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty 2015). A recent U.S. Supreme Court case (Martin v. the City of Boise) upheld a lower court’s decision that people experiencing homelessness cannot be punished for sleeping when there are no other reasonable options, limiting certain anti-homeless laws (National Homelessness Law Center 2021).

In addition to creating policies that focus on actions taken by individuals experiencing homelessness, accessing transit becomes difficult when fares cost more than a person has. The NYC MTA Task Force Recommendations included adding police officers, in part to address fare evasion. As TCRP Synthesis 121 described and newer research (Darling et al. 2021) has examined, some transit agencies (e.g., in Olympia WA, LA Metro) are implementing fare-free programs instead of, or in tandem with, police expansion.

Adding complexity, enforcement activities can set up an unintended cycle for people experiencing homelessness (or housing insecurity). For example, people experiencing chronic homelessness may receive tickets for things like fare violations, and then end up arrested or incarcerated for being unable to afford the ticket fee or being unable to access transit to appear in court (Skinner and Rankin 2016). Design choices are another avenue to enforce explicit rules or implicit preferences. Benches may be slanted to prevent sleeping, which is an example of what is called “hostile architecture.”

Improving police interactions matters for transit agencies seeking to build relationships and support people experiencing homelessness. The literature review shows that enforcement of anti-homeless laws and policies perpetuates criminalization and stigmatizes unsheltered homeless populations living in public spaces. A National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty (2015) report examined 187 U.S. rural and urban city codes that criminalized life-sustaining behaviors of people experiencing homelessness. Among the reviewed cities, 83% had a law restricting begging in public, 60% restricted living in vehicles, 50% prohibited sleeping in public, and 57% prohibited camping in public spaces. Ivanich and Warner (2019) found that youth of color experiencing homelessness were significantly more likely to draw police attention and experience police contact than their white counterparts. BART riders are 12% Black, but 50% of citations related to the BART police code of conduct were issued to Black riders (Spieler 2020). Places around the country are experimenting with different response systems for people experiencing mental health crises or homelessness (e.g., Eugene Oregon – CAHOOTS, Portland Oregon – Portland Street Response). TCRP Synthesis 121 described a program called “Coffee with a Cop.” As transit agencies expand their partnerships with social service agencies, reviewing and assessing how transit enforcement functions is also essential to the success of these programs and outreach efforts.

Additional Research About Transit and Homelessness

The studies discussed in the Key Previous Studies section, as well as the MTA task force recommendations, provide knowledge about how homelessness is directly affecting transit agencies and how agencies are responding to it. Additional research about homelessness and transit reinforces and augments what these studies found and points out the specific role transit can play in addressing homelessness. Public transportation plays an integral part in improving the overall quality of life of vulnerable populations experiencing homelessness and poverty (Scott et al. 2020; Hui and Habib 2016). Transit does this by doing what it does for all people: providing mobility to jobs, education, and services (Bell et al. 2018). Specific findings and recommendations from researchers include more integration of social and emotional support services into

transit (Scott et al. 2020; Murphy 2019; Barile et al. 2020 Barile et al. 2018; Kramer 2018; Gleason et al. 2017; Hui and Habib 2017; Baek 2016; Brown et al. 2016; Glaeser et al. 2008; Eisenmann and Origanti 2019).

Studies continue to demonstrate that a lack of affordable fare and transit options ranks among the top barriers for people experiencing homelessness (Nunez Vasquez 2020; Perrotta 2017; Perrotta 2016). Without affordable fares and effective transit, people experiencing homelessness lack access to crisis centers, medical appointments, education, employment, support services (Currie et al. 2010; Jones and Lucas 2012; Shay et al. 2016; Greenwell 2020), educational services (Shay et al. 2016), and housing (Open Your Heart 2018). Transit fare is also a barrier for people who are housing insecure and at risk for homelessness.

Public transit users are disproportionately people of color (Patel et al. 2020; Abuelgasim et al. 2020; Dixon et al. 2020). Homeless mothers and domestic violence/intimate partner violence victims often lack protective social layers (e.g., transportation, social services), which significantly contributes and amplifies high homelessness rates among women and mothers (Bullock et al. 2020). LGBTQIA+ youth are at 2 to 13 times higher risk of homelessness and experience multiple challenges and barriers, such as to accessing transportation to shelter services and LGBTQIA+ youth homeless centers (Coolhart and Brown 2017). Mineta National Transit Research Consortium reported access to public transportation to be an essential service and to play a vital part in reintegration success for returning military veterans and reducing homelessness and other challenges experienced (DiPetrillo and Lubin 2014). In particular, military veterans experiencing homelessness often struggle to obtain transportation to outpatient and follow-up care (Weber et al. 2017; Hastings et al. 2011; Byrne et al. 2020). Persons with mental illness and mental health conditions experience a lack of adequate transportation and often require multiple transportation transfers, which further perpetuates obstacles in accessing necessary mental care and treatment (Rural Health Information Hub n.d.). Persons with developmental or intellectual disabilities experience multiple transportation equity issues, including affording the cost of paratransit trips (Des Cognets and Rafert 2019).

Other Public Agencies and Spaces

Many who face poverty, substance addiction, and mental illness are forced to find shelter in public spaces (Rose 2019). As discussed in TCRP Synthesis 121, public agencies with public assets such as libraries, land, and equipment (e.g., parks, environmental services) can provide innovative policies, strategies, and transferable lessons for other public agencies. In the public transportation context, transit agencies need to balance supporting and serving people experiencing homelessness while contending with the negative impacts of homelessness on people and assets. A number of studies have come out since TCRP Synthesis 121 that provide more information on how public agencies are responding productively to homelessness.

Libraries

Public Libraries go beyond lending out books. They have become frontline institutions that are addressing homelessness and functioning toward building healthier communities as well as acting as key hubs in the community (Butler and Cabello 2017). Libraries serve a large number of people experiencing homelessness and populations with diverse needs (Gunderman and Stevens 2015) and have become a safe refuge (e.g., shelter from inclement weather, safe place to sleep, private place to use the bathroom) for people experiencing homelessness to set up camp inside

during library hours (Homeless Advice 2018). Clink (2020) found that many people experiencing homelessness visit libraries because they are located close to transit.

Researchers have found that libraries and librarians hold a pivotal role in advocating, helping, and strengthening the level of support that people experiencing (unsheltered) homelessness receive (Clink 2020; Hill and Tamminen 2020; Vega 2019; Zettervall and Nienow 2019; Giesler 2019; Giesler 2017; Pressley 2017; Terrile 2016; Skinner 2016). For example, Zettervall (2019) reported that public libraries in 21 states had hired full-time social workers to provide social services and help advocate for social change. Social workers housed in libraries help people experiencing homelessness receive necessary social support to access transportation, housing, employment, and food (Clink 2020). Hill and Tamminen (2020) found libraries that partnered with local public health agencies and implemented homeless and poverty outreach programs that helped people experiencing homelessness navigate resources using transit agencies to access needed resources and services.

Parks

Much like public transportation and transit agencies, park and recreation agencies are on the frontline in the effort to respond to unsheltered homelessness. According to the National Recreation and Park Association (NRPA) (2017), parks and recreation agencies are working to coordinate with federal and state community organizations and nonprofit partners to implement a person-first approach along with sympathetic and problem-oriented strategies to address homelessness. NRPA found that 90% of parks and recreation directors were implementing strategies to address homelessness; however, few were taking on leadership roles in preventing homelessness (NRPA 2017). Recent examples of innovative strategies and policies at the state and local levels can be found in city plans to address vulnerable populations’ inequalities.

• Minneapolis MSP 2040 City Comprehensive Plan (2018) policies include transportation and equity, homelessness and park design and programming, and place-based neighborhood engagement. The plan’s transportation and equity policies prioritize access to transportation and contribute to fair and equitable outcomes for all people.
• LA Metro’s Transit to Parks Strategic Plan (2019) analyzed lessons from previous cases to better provide transportation options for parks and introduce vehicles, buses, and shuttles for access and circulation.

Other Public Lands and Rights-of-Way

Additional public land such as public rights-of-way also become places where people forced to live in homelessness must survive. Several studies have examined how state departments of transportations are affected by and respond to homelessness (Bassett et al. 2013; Tremoulet 2012; Ricord 2020). Collectively, these research projects describe how people living on public rights-of-way face hazardous conditions related to traffic, air pollution, and biohazards. State departments of transportation must decide whether to remove people or their tents, install hostile architecture (e.g., boulders), provide services and support, or ignore what is happening. This decision making often occurs in multiple or overlapping jurisdictions.

Summary Tables

Previous studies about transit and homelessness created a firm foundation for this research. Table A-1 summarizes 14 key studies related to transit and homelessness.

Table A-1. Summary of 14 key studies related to transit and homelessness.

References and Bibliography for Appendix A

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