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High-Quality Early Childhood Curriculum for Multilingual Learners

The need for a new vision for high-quality early childhood curriculum that addresses equity, diversity, and inclusion, and cultural and linguistic responsiveness is urgent for young children who speak one or more languages other than English in the home, or multilingual learners. The science and evidence base surrounding the process of first, second, or multiple language acquisition in children aged 0–5 years has greatly expanded in the last 10–15 years from research in the fields of psycholinguistics, cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychology, educational research, and program evaluation (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2017). Despite this greater scientific understanding of how young children learn a first and second language and educational approaches that promote enhanced language and cognitive development for multilingual learners, however, the application of practices based on this knowledge in early childhood education has not kept pace (Figueras-Daniel & Li, 2021; Martin et al., 2022b; Sembiante et al., 2022). This gap between what is known about how curriculum can best meet the needs of multilingual learners and what occurs in early education programs is influenced by multiple factors:

• misperceptions about the value of languages other than English leading to a “deficit” view of multilingual learners;
• misconceptions about the capacity of all young children to learn and benefit from exposure to multiple languages from birth;
• inadequate and inconsistent methods for identifying who is a multilingual learner during the preschool years;

• insufficient access to early childhood curricula available in languages other than in English, with little attention to needs of multilingual learners;
• educational goals that do not include the importance of early bilingualism;
• lack of widespread, common understanding of practical instructional methods and strategies in early childhood education (ECE) that promote early bilingualism and academic skills;
• inappropriate assessment instruments and methods that do not include the language competencies or knowledge of multilingual learners in languages other than English;
• lack of qualified bilingual ECE professionals; and
• flawed research on the development and achievement of multilingual learners.

As the size, diversity, and proportion of young multilingual learners continue to grow across the country and are increasingly represented in ECE settings, a shared vision of high-quality curriculum that can guide instructional and assessment practices for multilingual learners is crucial. Approximately one-third of all children aged 0–8 years are currently exposed to more than one language in the home, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (Park et al., 2018). And the Office of Head Start reports that at least one-third of preschool children in its programs are considered multilingual learners (Early Childhood Learning & Knowledge Center [ECLKC], 2022); in many states multilingual learners make up a majority or sizeable proportion of children attending preschool (e.g., 60% of children in California aged 0–5 years are so identified; 50% in Texas; 46% in New Jersey; and 44% in New Mexico, New York, and Nevada [Lazarín & Park, 2021]). More than 140 languages have been identified within the Head Start child population, with nearly 90% of all Head Start classrooms serving multilingual learners and many serving a population representing more than three different home languages (ECLKC, 2022). Unfortunately, early care and education teachers who are able to speak more than one language remain in short supply, making up roughly 15% of the early childhood educator workforce (Park et al., 2015).

While Spanish-speaking multilingual learners constitute the majority of this population in the United States, it is important to note the growing number of children whose home language(s) may not be supported by any existing curricula or who may be less likely than their peers to attend early education settings where home language support is possible. For example, data on the top 10 states for numbers of all multilingual learners versus Black multilingual learners in the K–12 system show that these two sets of states did not overlap, with the exception of Connecticut, suggesting

that Black multilingual learners may encounter less access to opportunities to support their home language (Villegas & Velazco, 2021). In addition, although the top language spoken by Black multilingual learners was Spanish, the next four most commonly spoken languages for Black multilingual learners (French Creole, French, Cushite, and Kru/Ibo/Yoruba) were not among the remaining (after Spanish) top languages spoken among all multilingual learners (Arabic, Chinese, Vietnamese, and Somali).¹ These students may also be misidentified or underidentified for services to support their home language (Villegas & Velazco, 2021).

To ensure equity, it is critical to provide high-quality early care and education for multilingual learners, including effective program language models, well-designed curriculum with instructional practices that scaffold language interactions, and appropriate ongoing assessment instruments and methods. Relevant qualifications for early childhood teachers also need to be defined and put into practice. This chapter reviews current evidence on specific curricula, teaching strategies, environmental supports, and instructional practices that are associated with improved outcomes and long-term achievement for multilingual learners.

SHIFTING FROM DEFICIT-BASED TO ASSET-BASED APPROACHES

A critical first step in providing equitable, high-quality early care and education for multilingual learners is to recognize and build upon their linguistic, cultural, and social assets and talents. Historically, research that examines the growth, progress, or achievement of multilingual learners has focused on their differences from monolingual peers, judging their development based on standards or norms designed for English-only populations, without considering the unique linguistic and developmental trajectories of children whose first language is not English (Center for Early Care and Education Research-Dual Language Learners, 2011; Espinosa & Crandell, 2020). This approach can lead to a “deficit perspective” that views multilingual learners as having less academic potential and abilities than monolingual English-speaking peers because of their lack of proficiency in English (Foundation for Child Development, 2020). As such, policy makers in the past have referred to “the extra burden” of learning two languages during the early years, sending the message that learning more than one language during a child’s early years is difficult and imposes an added learning burden on young children. This perspective has led to some misguided state policies for young multilingual learners, restricting exposure to multiple languages until after kindergarten. Viewing the learning and achievement

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¹ Data on languages most common among all English learners are from fall 2017, and data for languages spoken among Black English learners are from 2013.

of multilingual learners through this deficit lens has often led educators to underestimate what multilingual learners know and to form inaccurate assumptions about their potential.

What is more, research has demonstrated that learning two or more languages during a child’s early years is possible for all children and can be associated with enhanced cognitive abilities as well as the potential for higher achievement in both spoken languages relative to monolingual students (Halle et al., 2012; Ramirez & Kuhl, 2017; Thompson, 2015). The current scientific consensus is that children who achieve fluency in both their home language(s)² and English are likely to experience advantages in cognitive, social, academic, and professional outcomes, as well as to be protected from cognitive decline at older ages (Bialystok, 2017; National Academies, 2017).

These findings suggest that early childhood educators and curriculum developers need to understand the benefits of early bi- and multilingualism and view the development of multilingual learners through the lens of the powerful advantages of having more than one language instead of viewing these children as deficient because of limited English skills. In fact, across the globe, many countries explicitly require all young children to become bilingual or multilingual, with most adults speaking more than one language (Klingert, 2023); these include European Union countries, which require that all children learn at least two languages in addition to their home language (European Parliament, 2023). In the United States, by contrast, only about 20% of the adult population is fluent in more than one language, and of adults born in the United States, only 6.5% speak more than one language (Chiswick & Miller, 2016; Dietrich & Hernandez, 2022). While much of the world understands the benefits of becoming bi- or multilingual, policies in the United States have been slow to reflect the scientific evidence on the immediate and long-term advantages of multilingualism.

Educators who work with children who speak a language other than English at home recognize that the development of multilingual learners differs from that of their native English-speaking peers because of differences in the context and societal circumstances of their upbringing. For example, although the vast majority of multilingual learners are born in the United States (95%; Park et al., 2018), they often have one or more parents born outside of the United States. Many of these families immigrated to the United States recently and are not familiar with societal and cultural norms, nor with school expectations. Some families of multilingual learners have undergone traumatic experiences related to their migration

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² The term “home language” is used throughout this report to refer to the primary language that is spoken in the home. Other terms used synonymously are “mother tongue,” “heritage language,” “first language,” and “L1.”

to the United States, which can have adverse cognitive and social effects on their children’s development (Yoshikawa, 2011). Moreover, by definition, the families of multilingual learners speak a language other than English in the home, which could lead to social isolation, and in some cases, generate mixed feelings or even a sense of shame for the children (Halgunseth et al., 2013; Motaghi-Tabar, 2016).

Variation in culture-specific parenting goals, values, and practices across racial and ethnic groups can contribute to inaccurate perceptions of multilingual learners’ early social, language, and literacy potential. For instance, culturally specified parenting concepts such as familismo (family), respeto (respect), and being bien educado (well educated) among Latine families (Halgunseth et al., 2013; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2020) and concepts such as chiao shun among Chinese families (Chao, 1994) emphasize the importance of “having harmonious relationships with others, respecting adult authority, prioritizing the needs of the family, and conducting oneself in a manner that does not bring shame on the family or community” (Foundation for Child Development, 2020, p. 136). Other values to which children are exposed early in life may include valuing the group or collective well-being, which contrasts with individualistic cultures, including many cultures in the United States, which value independence and self-reliance—values that are commonly effected in American schools (Small, 2002). These contrasting early socialization values and practices can lead to patterns of behavior in the early education setting that are inconsistent with program goals—for instance, a child may be reluctant to stand out as the only one who knows the answer—and can inaccurately influence teachers’ judgment of the knowledge levels of multilingual learners.

Family members’ beliefs differ as to how exposure to English and continued use of the home language affects their children’s language learning and academic success (Ladson-Billings, 1994). Some may view their children’s development of the home language as critical for maintaining ties to the family’s cultural heritage and the connection with family members in their countries of origin. Alternatively, newly arrived immigrant families may prioritize the swift acquisition of English over maintaining their heritage language and may encourage their children to use English exclusively. Consequently, differing beliefs and objectives related to cultural and language preservation significantly influence the extent of exposure and opportunities for children to utilize both languages (Foundation for Child Development, 2020).

Given multilingual learners’ wide variety of family contexts and early learning environments, they ought not to be viewed as a homogeneous group or only in comparison with their English-only peers (see Box 7-1). These sociocultural and demographic variations, such as language spoken in the home, age at first exposure to English, family socioeconomic status,

race, and country of origin, all can influence the child’s proficiency and early literacy skills in both the home language and English (National Academies, 2017). Thus, to understand each multilingual learner’s language status and educational needs, it is important for early childhood teachers to gather in-depth knowledge of the circumstances, values, and culture of multilingual children and their families (Halgunseth et al., 2013). To better understand the behaviors and language competencies of multilingual learners, early childhood educators will need to expand their thinking beyond simple comparisons between multilingual and English-only children. Language and literacy development will look different for multilingual learners, so educators need to use norms and learning trajectories that differ from those based on children who speak English only. Early childhood curriculum that is responsive to the needs of multilingual learners will include tools and methods for collecting important contextual information about multilingual learners (e.g., age of acquisition of each language, extent and nature of exposure to each language, and key family characteristics), as well as family histories that go beyond the typical home language survey.

Finally, the extent to which early childhood curricula provide learning experiences in multilingual learners’ languages is an important feature of their early development that impacts later school success. Several research studies have indicated that the exposure of preschoolers and school-age children to their home language contributes to the enhancement of their language development (Barnett et al., 2007; Hammer et al., 2012; Spencer et al., 2020; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2019). Moreover, use of the child’s first language in the home or in the school setting does not appear to affect the rate or level of English acquisition. However, an emphasis on English in the early education setting does appear to impact multilingual learners’ continued development of the home language negatively (Barnett et al., 2007; National Academies, 2017), likely because of the higher value placed on English proficiency within the school and broader social context. Given research findings about the impact of multilingual learners’ exposure to their languages through their parents and teachers, attention is needed to the amount and quality of exposure multilingual learners experience in each language.

The next section reviews recent findings and conclusions about dual language development in early childhood, along with particular classroom practices that empirical evidence has shown to be effective for linguistically diverse children. It is the committee’s hope that the insights into how young children acquire and benefit from exposure to multiple languages, as well as identified promising pedagogical practices, will pave the way for more equitable and high-quality early childhood curriculum for multilingual learners, as well as fruitful lines of inquiry for future research.

CURRENT RESEARCH ON EARLY BILINGUAL DEVELOPMENT

As the knowledge base concerning the language development of multilingual learners has continued to expand, it is increasingly being used as a foundation to support and guide the development of early childhood curriculum. Several strands of research from multiple disciplines have illuminated the process of early bilingualism.

First, studies on early brain development indicate that infants have the capacity to learn two languages simultaneously, and the early years are considered the optimal period for bilingual acquisition (Berken et al., 2017; Ramirez & Kuhl, 2017). Research from cognitive neuroscientists provides evidence suggesting that the bilingual brain exhibits higher neurological activity than the monolingual brain, attributed to the necessity of processing two languages (Bialystok, 2017), and is associated with greater control of focused attention and self-regulatory behavior (Conboy, 2013), skills that are associated with enhanced executive function in multilingual learners.

Indeed, National Academies (2017) notes that “children given the opportunity to develop competence in two or more languages early in life benefit from their capacity to communicate in more than one language and may show enhancement in certain cognitive skills, as well as improved academic outcomes in school” (p. 147). Recent research is also exploring whether children who speak two dialects of the same language—bi-dialecticalism—may also experience similar cognitive benefits as those experienced by children who speak two or more different languages (Antoniou et al., 2016). This research may provide a foundation for how we think about ways to support home dialect for children in the United States who speak rule-governed dialects of General American English, such as African American English or Chicano English dialects. Next, findings from psycholinguistic research indicate that, while multilingual learners generally exhibit a language development trajectory similar to that of monolingual children, their progress displays distinctive features due to the acquisition of two languages (Foundation for Child Development, 2020). These unique characteristics encompass language mixing (i.e., mixing languages within sentences), reduced vocabularies in each language (Bedore et al., 2005), and variations in the emergence of specific linguistic milestones (National Academies, 2017).

A National Academies report, Promoting the Educational Success of Children and Youth Learning English, provides a synthesis of research on the development and achievement of dual language learners from birth to age 21 (National Academies, 2017). This consensus study yielded a comprehensive view of language development, school practices, and educational policies that impact multilingual learners’ growth and school success. The report offers four major interrelated conclusions that can guide efforts to improve educational outcomes for multilingual learners. First, all children are capable of learning more than one language from the earliest months of life and benefit from early exposure to multiple languages. Second, high levels of proficiency in both the home language and English are linked to the best academic and social outcomes. Third, the earlier children are exposed to a second language, the greater are their chances for full bilingualism. And fourth, home language loss is currently the norm for multilingual learners, particularly once they enter English-speaking early education settings, which subverts the possibility of full bilingualism and may place the child at risk for disrupted family relations, including estrangement from their cultural heritage (see Box 7-2).

While multilingual learners bring critical linguistic and cultural strengths to their educational experiences, research has found that their experiences in school are not supporting them in reaching their full potential (Espinosa & Crandall, 2020; Holtzman et al., 2022; Spencer et al., 2020). The results of many statewide kindergarten entry assessments show multilingual learners

ranked at the bottom of “school readiness” (Ackerman & Tazi, 2015)—results that often are a by-product of being assessed only in English. A large percentage of multilingual learners never reach full proficiency in English and become long-term English language learners,³ which puts them at risk for having lower academic achievement and dropping out of high school. In California, the state with the largest number and proportion of multilingual learners in the country, more than half of all multilingual learners are never designated as fully English proficient, which means that the language programs they experienced did not provide them with essential language and literacy skills needed for the 21st century. Sadly, many of these children also have lost proficiency in their home language by the time they are in elementary school (National Academies, 2017). Thus, while most multilingual learners have the capacity to excel in school by becoming fully bilingual and biliterate, few receive the educational experiences necessary to realize that potential.

Research on Early Bilingualism

All young children (including multilingual learners) need “responsive, sensitive, trusting, and nurturing relationships with adults to develop the social-emotional competencies that underlie all future learning” (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020, p. 197; see Chapter 3 in this report for fuller discussion of the learning needs of all children). The features described in Chapter 4 as essential elements of high-quality equitable curricula in early childhood education are as necessary for multilingual learners as for their monolingual English-speaking peers. For all children, both the quantity and quality of adult language directed to them, as well as the language diversity, influence future language and cognitive outcomes (Adamson et al., 2021). As such, adults can pose questions to children that are interesting, give them enough time to respond, engage in turn taking in an extended conversation, and expose children to a vocabulary that is rich in content and contains diverse sentence structures (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020).

Age of Exposure

As noted earlier, research has found that infants, from all language, social, and economic backgrounds, including those with disabilities (see Chapter 6), have the ability to learn more than one language and that the early years are an ideal time to be exposed to multiple languages (Conboy,

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³ The term “long-term English language learners” refers to a “formal educational classification” designated to students “who have been enrolled in American schools for more than six years, who are not progressing toward English proficiency, and who are struggling academically due to their limited English skills” (Grazzini, 2019, p. x).

2013; Ramirez & Kuhl, 2017). The influence of the age at which a child is first exposed to a second language has been studied extensively. Research has shown that during the first year of life, multilingual learners can distinguish between two different languages and learn the features of each language (Kuhl et al., 2006). An enriching language environment during the first years of life influences the “brain architecture” of infants (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020). Noninvasive brain-imaging techniques have allowed researchers to study how early bilingualism impacts brain functioning. For example, magnetoencephalography is being used to study the language processing of infants and toddlers (Institute for Learning and Brain Sciences, n.d.). This sophisticated method of studying how the human brain processes language during a child’s early years provides insight into how specific experiences with more than one language can influence the “organization of the language processing systems of the brains of young multilingual learners” (Espinosa, 2015b, p. 43). Based on research from cognitive neuroscientists, it is now known that from their earliest days, human babies have an innate and extensive ability to hear, process, and learn multiple languages. In fact, even the youngest babies can sort the unique phonology (or sounds) of each language perceived into separate language categories, and by the preschool years, bilingual children are skilled in interpreting contextual cues to direct their utterances in the appropriate language to the appropriate person (Byers-Heinlein et al., 2010; Kuhl et al., 2006). Additional research has found that during the last trimester of pregnancy, fetuses are actively processing the unique characteristics of different languages and beginning to make distinctions among them (Conboy, 2013; Kisilevsky et al., 2009).

Research in cognitive neuroscience indicates that the bilingual brain exhibits greater neurological activity than the monolingual brain because of the necessity of processing two languages (Bialystok, 2017). This increased neurological activity is linked to improved control of focused attention and self-regulatory behavior (Conboy, 2013), skills that, in turn, contribute to enhanced executive function in individuals learning multiple languages. The National Academies 2017 report emphasizes that children who have the opportunity to develop proficiency in two or more languages early in life gain the ability to communicate in multiple languages and may experience advancements in certain cognitive skills, leading to improved academic outcomes in school (National Academies, 2017, p. 147). These cognitive benefits are observable even in the first year of life. Bilingual infants as young as 7 months old have demonstrated superior mental flexibility when faced with changing learning tasks. Compared with their monolingual counterparts, bilingual infants exhibited greater ability to quickly adapt to shifts in learning conditions and modify their responses (Barac et al., 2014; Kovács & Mehler, 2009; Sandhofer & Uchikoshi, 2013). This specific skill—the capacity to suppress prior learning when conditions change—is generally

considered a facet of executive function and constitutes an essential element of school readiness.

Early bilingualism has also been linked to various aspects of executive function, including working memory, inhibitory control, and the ability to focus on relevant task cues while disregarding irrelevant ones, along with enhanced language skills (Sandhofer & Uchikoshi, 2013). As mentioned earlier, these executive functioning abilities are recognized as fundamental to kindergarten readiness and overall academic success (Espinosa, 2013). As infants progress and become preschoolers, these benefits in executive functioning skills become even more evident, particularly in tasks that necessitate selectively attending to competing options and the capability to suppress interfering information (Sandhofer & Uchikoshi, 2013).

Further studies indicate that infants exhibit heightened sensitivity to the distinct sounds of various languages during their initial year of life. It has been observed that sometime in the latter half of their first year, their perceptual sensitivity to unfamiliar language sounds begins to decrease (Kuhl et al., 2003). Other research has discovered that individuals learning multiple languages simultaneously or from a very early age tend to achieve significant language milestones in each language around the same ages and acquire both languages at similar rates (Petitto & Holowka, 2002). Additionally, certain studies suggest that the most favorable age for grasping the morphology and syntax of a second language is before reaching the age of 5 years. The “language sensitivities” identified in infants are noted to diminish after the age of 3 or 4 years (Meisel, 2008).

Type and Amount of Exposure

The quantity and quality of speech directed toward multilingual learners directly impact their language development, as per the findings of the National Academies (2017). Several studies indicate that multilingual learners who receive at least 40–60% of their language exposure in each language demonstrate progress comparable to that of monolingual individuals with 100% exposure to one language (Thordardottir, 2011). Moreover, multilingual learners with over 70% exposure to English do not show significant differences in English language skills compared with monolingual children with 100% exposure (Hoff et al., 2012). In summary, this research implies that multilingual learners benefit from frequent, responsive, and enriched language interactions. Early, balanced exposure to dual languages, with at least 40% of the time dedicated to each language, is linked to high proficiency in both languages and improved long-term academic achievement for multilingual learners.

From an educational standpoint, this research suggests that very young children can acquire proficiency in two languages earlier than previously

believed (Kuhl, 2011). Additionally, early exposure to more than one language shapes the neural architecture of the brain, enhancing specific cognitive processing abilities in all young children.

Preschool and Multilingual Learners

As multilingual learners progress into preschool, they frequently exhibit heightened executive functioning advantages over monolingual learners, surpassing those advantages observed in multilingual infants. These advantages are evident across various racial, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds, as well as with different language pairings. Nonetheless, the extent of these cognitive benefits relies on the degree of bilingualism in the child. Those children who maintain a more balanced proficiency in both languages demonstrate more significant advantages than those who exhibit stronger dominance in a single language (Bialystok & Barac, 2012; Yow & Li, 2015).

The preschool years are critical for language development and especially for building the foundations for future literacy for all children, including multilingual learners. While multilingual learners exhibit a similar overall language development pattern to monolingual children, their bilingualism introduces unique variations, such as language mixing, smaller vocabularies in each language, and differences in the timing of specific linguistic milestones. These variations stem from the inherent complexities of acquiring two languages simultaneously. (National Academies, 2017). For example, Sandhofer & Uchikoshi (2013) emphasize that research consistently indicates a delay in word recall and slower word retrieval times during picture-naming tasks among bilingual children. Additionally, these children tend to score lower on verbal fluency tasks. This implies that early childhood educators might consider providing additional waiting time for responses, recognizing the heightened linguistic processing challenge faced by young multilingual learners, especially in their nondominant language. Many studies have found that bilingual preschoolers tend to have smaller vocabularies in each language when compared with English- and Spanish-speaking monolinguals (Hoff, 2021; Pearson et al., 1993). However, when both languages are considered together, their vocabulary size is often comparable to that of monolinguals. As Conboy (2013) points out, “bilingual lexical learning leads to initially smaller vocabularies in each separate language than for monolingual learners of those same languages, and that total vocabulary sizes (the sum of what children know in both their languages) in bilinguals are similar to those of monolingual toddlers” (p. 19).

Given that the size of vocabulary is a significant objective in preschool education and plays a crucial role in future reading comprehension, it

is essential for curriculum designers and preschool teachers to grasp the variations in dual language learning. This discrepancy in vocabulary growth typically does not signify language delays or potential learning difficulties; instead, it is a common aspect of early bilingualism. For instance, if a preschooler learning multiple languages is unfamiliar with the English term “window,” the child may still comprehend the concept learned at home and know the word for “window” in their home language (e.g., ventana in Spanish).

Oral language skills (e.g., vocabulary skills, listening comprehension, grammatical knowledge, and expressive vocabulary) are especially important for multilingual learners’ future reading comprehension abilities (Espinosa & Zepeda, 2019; Lesaux, 2013). In general, multilingual learners have shown phonics and decoding skills comparable to those of monolingual English speakers early in the reading process but have shown much lower levels of reading comprehension. Although with effective instruction, multilingual learners are able to master the building blocks of word decoding, many do not have sufficient oral language skills to understand what they are reading (National Academies, 2017). This research underscores the significance of fostering oral language development and employing instructional approaches that offer immersive and compelling language encounters in both languages. Simultaneously, there should be a concentrated effort on cultivating early literacy skills. Keeping this in mind, it becomes imperative for preschool curricula to prioritize the enhancement of oral language and vocabulary development for young learners who are multilingual.

Numerous studies have emphasized the significance of purposeful exposure to English during the preschool years as important to future school performance for multilingual learners. For example, research has indicated that lower levels of English proficiency upon entering kindergarten are linked to subsequent challenges in school, particularly difficulties in English language reading (Galindo, 2010; Halle et al., 2012). Moreover, recent studies examining the duration required for dual language learners to achieve full proficiency in English have highlighted the importance of robust language skills in both the home language and English at the onset of kindergarten. These skills are deemed essential for the successful academic advancement in the second language and may decrease the likelihood of children becoming long-term English language learners (Thompson, 2015; Winsler et al., 2016).

In summary, multiple factors are known to affect language and literacy growth for multilingual learners, including age of acquisition of each language, the quality and quantity of their exposure to each language, the amount of time multilingual learners spend in each of their languages, and the language practices used in their early schooling.

Importance of Home Language Maintenance and Development

While early exposure to English promotes multilingual learners’ eventual bilingualism, it also carries some risks. Frequently, when multilingual learners are introduced to English as the primary language of instruction in preschool, there is a tendency for them to develop a preference for speaking only English and become hesitant to use their home language (Oller & Eilers, 2002; Wong-Filmore, 1991). The early abandonment of a child’s first or home language is linked to enduring language challenges and the potential risk of losing connection with their cultural and linguistic heritage (National Academies, 2017). If children are unable to communicate in their home language with their parents, other family members, and members of their linguistic community, there is a potential loss of identity and ties to their ethnic, cultural, and linguistic roots (Espinosa, 2013). To prevent the premature erosion of home language skills, early childhood education curriculum needs to incorporate strategies that actively support, intentionally encourage, and regularly assess the development of multilingual learners in both their home language and English.

To best serve multilingual learners, the goal of helping them achieve high levels of English proficiency cannot come at the expense of their home language proficiency. To thrive in a global, multilingual world while also forming a positive self-identity and maintaining and sustaining strong bonds with their immediate and extended families, preschool multilingual learners need a strong foundation in their home language, as well as high levels of English proficiency (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020; Halle et al., 2012). This goal is possible when early childhood curriculum includes language scaffolds, specific strategies that focus on home language maintenance, and English acquisition, as well as methods and tools for monitoring growth in both languages (National Academies, 2017).

RESEARCH-BASED PRINCIPLES FOR ECE CURRICULUM FOR MULTILINGUAL LEARNERS

ECE that is culturally and linguistically responsive to multilingual learners is essential for them to achieve their full potential cognitively, academically, and socially. The research presented earlier in this chapter affirms two major findings: (1) Acquiring two or more languages in early childhood is advantageous, not a weakness; and (2) robust proficiency in the home language, coupled with English language skills, seems to be the most effective groundwork for success in both early and later stages of schooling. The findings also provide insights into early bilingual learning that have implications for important elements of high-quality early childhood curricula for multilingual learners. Research is also emerging on ways

to support children who speak dialects other than General American English at home (Box 7-3). One consistent finding across many studies is that all young children benefit from early learning opportunities that support emergent bilingualism; therefore, early education goals can be strengthened by immediately including bilingualism as an explicit goal for multilingual learners and eventually expanding to all children. Further, 50 states and the District of Columbia award qualifying high school seniors the Seal of

Biliteracy, “an award given by a school, district, or state in recognition of students who have studied and attained proficiency in two or more languages by high school graduation” (Seal of Biliteracy, 2024). No statistics are currently available on the percentage of multilingual learners who enter early education programs with a home language other than English and achieve a Seal of Biliteracy at graduation; however, it makes sense to track these early pathways to full biliteracy.

RESEARCH-SUPPORTED CURRICULUM, STRATEGIES, AND PRACTICES FOR MULTILINGUAL LEARNERS

Early childhood curricula in the United States are rarely developed specifically for multilingual learners; more commonly, they are developed for English-speaking children and then translated into other languages with supplementary materials that are culturally responsive to the community in which the program is located, and sometimes include suggested adaptations for different groups of multilingual learners. Consequently, the research literature on effective curricula for multilingual learners is focused primarily on studies of amounts of home language and English used (Figueras-Daniel & Li, 2021; Hammer et al., 2014; Raikes et al., 2019; Sembiante et al., 2022; White et al., 2023), the purposes and quality of language used in pre-K classrooms (Jacoby & Lesaux, 2017; Limlingan et al., 2020; Méndez et al., 2015; Miller, 2017), or a set of practices and adaptations designed to scaffold English language comprehension while also providing home language support for multilingual learners (Center for Equity for English Learners [CEEL], 2020; Espinosa, 2015a; Hsin et al., 2022; Lindholm-Leary, 2015).

Translating Curricula into Other Languages

Some widely used early childhood curricula have been translated into other languages, most commonly Spanish (e.g., The Creative Curriculum, CIRCLE Pre-K Curriculum, Tools of the Mind, Opening the Word of Learning [OWL]), but most are available only in English with some materials or suggestions for multilingual learners (e.g., HighScope, Curiosity Corner, Galileo, Connect4Learning). While the translated versions of early childhood curricula offer to multilingual learners opportunities to experience bilingual instruction and better comprehend the content of the instruction, challenges arise when taking material developed in English and directly translating the curriculum into other languages. The translated versions have been developed with attention to ensuring comparability in the conceptual, linguistic, or semantic content, and/or level of difficulty of the translated material across languages. What is more, the meaning and vocabulary of some content may not be the same between the non-English and English versions of the same material. Words in one language may have multiple meanings or may be used idiomatically in very specific ways that cannot be translated directly into another language (García et al., 2006). If the content for a given lesson or activity has not been developed in both English and the second language simultaneously, the translation or adaptation process may inadvertently change the content or meaning of the text, or the linguistic complexity of the desired skill or ability that is being taught.

Some curriculum developers have minimized the errors in direct translations by back translating their materials. This double translation process

involves first translating from English to a different language (most often Spanish) and then translating it back to English by a separate translator to check for correct meaning, tone, and content. It is very difficult to have exact translations across languages because of differences in idioms, shades of meanings, and grammar (Zhang & Gao, 2014). In addition to being skilled translators, translators need some background in early childhood education, so they understand the terminology commonly used in this field.

Programs and Policies for Identifying Multilingual Learners

While several federal programs encourage states to collect data on multilingual learners and establish home language survey policies, most states lack policies or consistent procedures for identifying who is and who is not a multilingual learner during the preschool years. The federal Head Start program requires programs to provide data on the linguistic background of the children and families they serve and offers guidance on how to collect important information from families (Lazarín & Park, 2021). The Child Care and Development Fund also requires states to collect and report data on the primary home language of families served by the program, but no consistent or standardized method is provided. Few states require state preschool or other publicly funded early childhood programs to use a standard process for identifying multilingual learners. Consequently, although U.S. Census Bureau data indicate that an estimated 33% of all children under age 5 years speak a language other than English in the home (Lazarín & Park, 2021), very little is known about the numbers of children across the United States, their specific languages spoken, their communities of residence, or their learning needs.

Further complicating the challenges of accurately identifying multilingual learners during the preschool years is the disjointed system of public and private providers of early education (see Chapter 8), which lacks consensus about the process and criteria for defining multilingual learners. Across states and sometimes even across cities, the same child may be identified as a multilingual learner in one program and not in another (Lazarín & Park, 2021). Without proper identification of individual children, it is difficult to design appropriate language goals and determine the child’s specific learning needs. Without some knowledge of the multilingual preschool population in communities and states, it is difficult to allocate resources, design targeted professional development for early childhood educators, and effectively support multilingual learners’ emergent bilingualism. However, a few states have recently enacted policies that outline specific methods for identifying multilingual learners during the preschool years: Illinois, New York, Pennsylvania, and Minnesota have guidelines for gathering information from families that profiles the child’s early language exposure in the home.

In 2022, California passed a bill (California Assembly Bill No. 1363, 2021) that went into effect January 2023 and requires that all California State Preschool Program providers, including those operating Family Child Care Home Education Networks, “to identify and collect data on multilingual learners; language characteristics of preschool programs, such as whether the program uses the home language for instruction or offers a dual language immersion program; and the language composition of program staff” (Villegas, 2022). This landmark legislation is the first of its kind that frames the child’s home language and culture as assets to be valued and embraced by preschool educators. The identification process includes two steps: a Family Language Survey administered to all children enrolled and a Family Languages and Interest Interview for those children identified as potential multilingual learners. Specifically, the legislation reads,⁴

The legislation also instructs early education providers to help families understand the benefits of multilingualism and the important role of the home language in supporting English development; it also encourages families to continue supporting the ongoing development of the home language, with additional resources available to families in multiple languages. Following the enactment of this legislation, California’s preschool programs reported slightly higher enrollment rates of multilingual learners (Villegas, 2022). The state is now focused on building a qualified bilingual workforce with high-quality materials to meet the needs of multilingual children (Villegas, 2022).

The Migration Policy Institute has recommended that state and local early education programs engage in the following steps to accurately identify and meet the educational needs of multilingual learners (Lazarín & Park, 2021, p. 23):

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⁴ California Assembly Bill 1363, Chapter 498.

Thus, while several states have made progress in developing systems for identifying multilingual learners during the preschool years, no state yet has designed a coordinated data system that identifies and monitors multilingual learners from birth to age 5 and on to the K–12 system. Early identification of multilingual learners is a critical first step in high-quality educational services, as it enables understanding of students’ linguistic assets and learning needs.

Classroom Language Models for Multilingual Learners

Typically, state early childhood education program guidelines and Head Start recommend one of four classroom language models for multilingual learners. A classroom language model outlines which language(s) will be spoken intentionally during which times of the day to achieve the language goals for each child and program. The language models are

• English only: This model is acceptable when all the children and staff speak English. The limitations of this language model are that it restricts children from early bilingualism and may overlook the cultural diversity of the children and families enrolled.
• English with home language support: This classroom language model is appropriate when most teachers and staff speak English primarily and some of the children speak languages other than English in the home as their first language. In this model, the language of instruction is mostly English, but the staff make intentional efforts to bring the children’s different languages and cultures into the classroom. This is the most common classroom language model for pre-K programs that have multilingual learners enrolled; it is a method for respecting and reflecting the languages and cultures of all children while not having the language capacity or class composition to implement a full dual language program. Several instructional approaches have been designed that offer early childhood educators specific strategies and professional development to support the multiple languages of children when staff are monolingual (e.g., Personalized Oral Language Learning and Sobrato Early Academic Language), with varying levels of research evidence on their effectiveness for multilingual learners, as described below.
• Dual language models: In this classroom language model, the educators communicate and deliver instruction in two languages. Each language is “spoken during designated, equal, and predictable periods” (Office of Head Start, 2015, p. 11). The goals include emergent bilingualism for all the children, as well as learning

• to value different cultures and languages. Early childhood dual language classroom models often allocate equal amounts of time and equitable content in each language, which is consistent with the research cited above; however, some have decided on a 90/10 approach, where 90% of the time instruction is delivered in one language (typically home language) and 10% of instructional time is in English. Still other programs decide on varying amounts of English/home language, such as 80/20 or 70/30.
• Home/heritage language immersion: In this classroom language model, all the children speak a language other than English in the home—or as in the case of many Native American/tribal communities, programs are designed to revitalize a language essential to a community’s identity and cultural values (Box 7-4). Goals of this model include “develop[ing] strong language skills that serve as a foundation for second language development, supporting age-level development in English over time. [. . .] Experienc[ing] their home language as a positive source of strength and knowledge and as a connection between home and school” (Office of Head Start, 2015, p. 15). In addition, this model will “promote their development of a language that is central to MLs [multilingual learners’] family, culture, and identity and promote their overall language development by building on the knowledge and skills they have developed in their home language” (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020, p. 214).

Early childhood education programs usually state explicitly the classroom language models they use and provide the organizing structure for classroom language usage. However, in many cases, amounts of English used throughout the day and during targeted instructional activities vary substantially from the official language policy (Figueras-Daniel & Li, 2021; Martin et al., 2022a).

Evaluations of Curricula for Multilingual Learners

Other than positing that the elements of high-quality early childhood curriculum also apply to multilingual learners but require linguistic and instructional adaptations, the contributions of specific curricula to the growth and development of multilingual learners has not been studied independently from the impacts of specific language practices or instructional strategies (Castro et al., 2011; López & Paez, 2020; see Chapter 4 for more detailed information). Research efforts have not focused on specific curricula for multilingual learners and the quality of their implementation to the same extent that language usage and specific instructional strategies have been examined for child impacts. However, a few studies have found that early

childhood curricula centered around child-led activities, which support children’s agency and allow them to make decisions and explore their environments, are associated with greater social, language, and academic gains for multilingual learners than other types of curricula (Alamillo et al., 2016; Ansari & Winsler, 2014; Rodriguez et al., 2003). These studies suggest that when young multilingual learners have opportunities to engage with their peers, select activities of interest to them, use all of their linguistic skills when communicating, and direct some of their learning experiences, they make greater academic gains than when they are in more restricted settings.

A small, but growing number of studies is examining the impacts of preschool bilingual programs on multilingual learners’ academic and social outcomes (Barnett et al., 2007; Serafini et al., 2022; Steele et al., 2017). Two studies focused on the impacts of bilingual preschool compared with English immersion on preschoolers’ early language, literacy, and math skills (Barnett et al., 2007; Oliva-Olson, 2019). Barnett and colleagues (2007) found that all preschoolers made comparable gains in English, but that only the children in dual language models made gains in their Spanish language and academic skills—and they did so without compromising their gains in English. These findings echo earlier studies of ECE bilingual education that also found that children who attended bilingual preschool “showed significant and parallel gains in Spanish language development as well as significant and greater increases in English language proficiency over time” (Winsler et al., 1999, p. 349). These results are significant given the conclusion by the National Academies (2017) that the best preparation for school success is language skills in both the home language and English, as well as longitudinal studies that have shown that strong bilingual skills are associated with higher academic performance in English. Similarly, Oliva-Olson (2019) also found that children who attended a two-way bilingual program had higher Spanish and English skills than those who attended primarily English immersion programs with some amount of support for home language. These results were moderated by the quality of teacher–child language interactions. All of these studies included samples of preschoolers who speak Spanish and English. These questions about bilingual classroom language models are clearly needed for children with native languages other than Spanish, particularly for children whose home languages are nonphonetic and dissimilar to English.

Based on the studies discussed in this chapter, it is clear that multilingual learners attending bilingual preschool can learn a second language (e.g., English) without losing their first or home language when the classroom language model provides sufficient high-quality exposure to both languages. These findings can be contrasted with other studies (Barnett et al., 2007) that have shown that when preschool multilingual learners attend English-immersion settings, their English language skills do not grow at faster rates than when they attend bilingual programs and that their first or

home language skills decline. Thus, for multilingual preschoolers, English-immersion programs have been shown to impede their potential for early bilingualism while not accelerating their English acquisition.

Teaching Strategies and Instructional Practices for Multilingual Learners

The most frequently used classroom language model in early childhood classrooms serving multilingual learners is primarily English with some amount of home language support (Oliva-Olson, 2019). Therefore, recent studies have examined the effectiveness of sets of strategies and practices that all early childhood educators can implement whether or not they are fluent in their students’ home languages (Brodziak de los Reyes et al., 2022; CEEL, 2020; Méndez et al., 2015; Pollard-Durodola et al., 2016). These specific strategies include

• Partnering with families to collaboratively develop language goals and integrating vocabulary, customs, values, and home languages into classroom routines.
• Supplying books and environmental text, such as labels, in the native languages of students, along with educational and play resources (such as dolls and food items) that reflect the diverse backgrounds of multilingual learners. These actions illustrate the appreciation of children’s language and cultural heritage within the educational setting (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020). Additionally, studies reveal that incorporating books in the home language can enhance language development in multilingual learners, particularly when coupled with purposeful instruction in the home language (Gutierrez-Clellen et al., 2014).
• Preparing educators with basic words and phrases, such as greetings, in the multilingual learners’ home languages and singing songs and chants in children’s home languages (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020).
• Using multiple methods of communicating meanings of words—such as hand and body gestures, pictorial representations, concrete objects or realia—and connecting instructional content to children’s cultural backgrounds and family traditions (Brodziak de los Reyes et al., 2022; National Academies, 2017).
• Providing opportunities for multilingual learners to interact with their English-speaking peers during open-ended activities and Spanish-speaking⁵ peers during teacher-led small-group activities (Espinosa & Crandell, 2020).

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⁵ As previously discussed, most studies of preschool multilingual learners conducted in the United States have included samples of native Spanish speakers, although some recent studies have included native speakers of Cantonese, Vietnamese, and Mandarin.

• Encouraging multilingual preschoolers to use all of their linguistic knowledge when communicating (e.g., emphasize the content of the interaction and do not discourage multilingual learners from using their home language throughout the day). This is often referred to as translanguaging or code-switching when multilingual learners use a mixture of home language and English to communicate (Seltzer et al., 2020).

While these specific instructional strategies for English with home language support have some evidence of positive impacts on language and literacy growth for multilingual learners (Castro et al., 2017), the Oliva-Olson study (2019) of Head Start preschool classrooms found that children who attended the dual language classrooms gained more in Spanish and English fluency outcomes than those in the English with home language supports, such as those described above. Thus, it appears that when early childhood educators are not proficient in multilingual learners’ home languages and unfamiliar with their family cultures, English with home language support strategies promote better language and literacy growth than English only, but balanced dual language programs promote the most growth in both English and multilingual learners’ home languages.

Teacher–Child Relationships

Central to all preschool children’s feelings of security and safety are the nature and quality of their relationships with the important adults in their lives, namely parents and teachers. Research has shown that close teacher–child relationships characterized by warmth, comfort, and openness are positively associated with children’s engagement and achievement, whereas conflictual relationships characterized by negativity and friction can undermine children’s school performance (Li et al., 2022). For multilingual learners, close, nonconflictual relationships with their teachers provide opportunities for verbal interactions, where they can engage with others, practice current language and social skills, and learn new vocabulary and concepts (Limlingan et al., 2020). The quality of the interactions between teachers and multilingual learners has been shown to be critical to acquiring a new language, as well as to developing social-emotional, math, and literacy skills (Downer et al., 2012; Hammer et al., 2014). Daily conversations between teachers and children have also been described as meaningful interchanges that promote culture-specific values and ideas (Rogoff et al., 2017).

A recent, large study of 162 Head Start classrooms (Limlingan et al., 2020) that used the Family and Child Experiences Survey 2009 data-set found positive associations between teachers’ amount of Spanish use and emotionally supportive teacher–child interactions. In those Head Start classrooms where teachers spoke to the children more often in their home

language (in this case, Spanish), the children also showed larger gains in Spanish language learning and positive approaches to learning. These results were similar to a multistate study of state-wide pre-K programs (Downer et al., 2012), in which children from more emotionally supportive classrooms showed larger gains in social competence and letter naming. The conclusions of these studies highlight the value of teachers using multilingual learners’ home languages during everyday interactions and providing emotionally supportive learning environments. This also indicates the need for the early education field to organize around providing more bilingual educators who are qualified to provide high-quality linguistically responsive services for multilingual learners.

ASSESSMENT PRACTICES FOR MULTILINGUAL LEARNERS

The valid and comprehensive assessment of young multilingual learners’ development and achievement is essential—but often challenging—for early care and education professionals (Espinosa & García, 2012). Knowledge of linguistically appropriate assessment practices is particularly crucial to high-quality, individualized instruction for multilingual learners. Individualized instruction recognizes and builds on the child’s current language strengths and targets specific learning needs, thus promoting the important developmental and achievement outcomes necessary for success in school and later in life. Individualizing instruction for multilingual learners requires comprehensive, ongoing assessments that are fair; valid; and linguistically, culturally, and developmentally appropriate. Such assessments show how multilingual learners are progressing and what educational decisions and adjustments are needed.

The first issue facing educators who work with multilingual learners is to determine their students’ proficiency in each language, as well as the distribution of their knowledge across the two languages. Assessment experts in academia, the Office of Head Start, and several states widely agree that multilingual learners need to be assessed in both their home or native language and in English (Espinosa & Gutiérrez-Clellen, 2013; Friedman-Krauss et al., 2021; Office of Head Start, 2015; Peña & Halle, 2011). Young multilingual learners who are exposed to multiple languages are likely to develop a dominant language, even though the distinctions may be subtle, as indicated by Paradis et al. (2011). Before educators can assess a child’s developmental status, educational progress, or the need for intervention, it is crucial to identify the language in which the child is more proficient. Typically, an emergent bilingual will exhibit a larger or more specialized vocabulary, along with greater grammatical proficiency and mastery of the linguistic structure, in one of their languages. This is the language that the child has been exposed to the most, uses more fluently, and often prefers to communicate in (Paradis et al., 2011; Pearson, 2002).

When multilingual learners are assessed only in English, which is most often their weaker language, as is the case in most early language and kindergarten readiness assessments, they will score significantly lower in language, literacy, and math tasks than their English-only peers (Espinosa & García, 2012). However, these scores may be typical for a child who is in the early stages of second-language acquisition and not represent any language delays or be a cause for concern. An emergent bilingual may know many vocabulary words in their home language but have limited knowledge of English vocabulary, grammatical rules, or idioms (Hammer et al., 2011; Páez et al., 2007). For example, young multilingual learners may know the names of objects in the kitchen in their home language but not in English. They may also know words such as “recess,” and “scissors” in English because these are the words they are exposed to at school (Espinosa & Gutiérrez-Clellen, 2013). They may not learn the same words in Spanish because there was no opportunity to do so at home. In those cases, the child may appear to have a limited vocabulary in each language. However, as discussed previously in this chapter, when the total number of words the child knows in both languages is considered, it is often comparable to the number and range of vocabulary words that monolingual children know (Espinosa & Gutiérrez-Clellen, 2013).

Therefore, any conclusions about the developmental progress or need for special services need to be based on knowledge about the multilingual child’s abilities in both their home language and English. It is also essential that early childhood educators understand the process of second-language acquisition during the preschool years and the characteristics of the multilingual learners’ home languages and cultural practices so they can make judgments about each students’ progress and whether a referral for in-depth language assessment is warranted.

An appropriate approach to the assessment of multilingual learners consists of both formal and informal methods (Espinosa & Zepeda, 2019). Initial assessment needs to include “a formal family interview or questionnaire about the languages spoken in the home and by which family members; this will provide information on each multilingual learners’ early language-learning opportunities” (Espinosa & Zepeda, 2019, p. 14). In addition, early childhood educators need to know the child’s level of English language skills. Many programs use formal assessments such as the preLAS, an English language proficiency assessment for early learners (Duncan & De Avila, 1985), which early education personnel can administer to individuals to gain more specific information about a child’s receptive and expressive English language abilities. Many other standardized English-proficiency assessments have been validated for multilingual learners who speak Spanish in the home (Barrueco et al., 2012), but few that have been validated with other language groups.

In addition to formal assessment, ongoing informal observational assessment that is both structured and unstructured provides early childhood teachers with important information about each multilingual learners’ progress and learning needs. Regular and continuous evaluation for the enhancement and adaptation of instruction involve the examination of each child’s performance through observations, checklists, rating scales, work samples, and portfolios incorporated into everyday activities (Espinosa & Gutiérrez-Clellen, 2013; Stefanakis & Meier, 2010). These assessments need to align with the goals of the curriculum, be based on accurate developmental trajectories for multilingual learners, and include information from families (National Academies, 2017).

TEACHER COMPETENCIES FOR MULTILINGUAL LEARNERS

Early childhood educators who work with multilingual learners need the skills and competencies required of all early childhood educators, in addition to specialized knowledge about the development and learning needs of multilingual preschoolers. In a recent briefing paper for the state of California, Espinosa & Zepeda (2019) argue that in order to be effective with young multilingual learners, early childhood educators need some essential dispositions that undergird affirming and appropriate instruction. They need to

1. Possess a strengths-based perspective toward multilingual learners. In other words, they need to believe that the ability to speak more than one language during the early childhood years is a strength that will yield lifelong benefits.
2. Possess an essential dispositional quality to effective teaching and the development of warm and accepting relationships with multilingual learners.
3. Maintain an openness to multilingual learners’ culture and an understanding of the contexts in which they live. In other words, they need to be able to converse “with families about their child-rearing beliefs, practices, and expectations and integrate culturally responsive practices into their programmatic goals and objectives” (Espinosa & Zepeda, 2019, p. 3).
4. Continuously self-monitor and reflect on how personal beliefs and values interact and influence their teaching. In other words, they need to be able to self-reflect on how their linguistic and cultural background interact with their perceptions and classroom practices and remain open to confronting their own biases and possible misperceptions.

In addition, after reviewing the literature on early childhood teacher competencies and the success of multilingual preschool learners, Espinosa & Zepeda (2019) suggested the following competencies:

• Can articulate the main features of high-quality early childhood education and why they compose the foundation for early education for multilingual learners.
• Understand and can describe the two main classroom language models for multilingual learners—(1) balanced English and home language, and (2) English language development with home language support—and their structures and strategies.
• Demonstrate the ability to successfully implement at least one classroom language model.
• Know and can articulate the importance of implementing specific strategies for supporting the ongoing development of multilingual learners’ first or home language, while also intentionally and systematically exposing multilingual learners to English.
• Know how to select and implement technology and interactive media for use in educating multilingual learners.

Finally, Espinosa & Zepeda (2019) suggested that all early childhood educators who work with multilingual learners receive professional development and become competent in the following areas (p. 12):

• “Understand that all young children have the capacity to become bi/multilingual with sufficient language and social supports
• Can discuss the neurological impacts of early bilingualism
• Can describe the stages of second-language acquisition
• Know the components of language
• Can describe the interdependence theory of first-language influence on second-language acquisition
• Understand the multiple paths to bilingualism
• Can identify and differentiate between simultaneous and sequential bilingualism⁶
• Can articulate the influences on rate of second-language acquisition; individual differences
• Understand the role of code-switching for multilingual learners

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⁶ Children exposed to proficient speakers of their first and second language (L1 and L2) before 3 years of age are referred to as simultaneous bilinguals. Children whose onset of L2 exposure occurs later than age 3 are often referred to as sequential bilinguals (National Academies, 2017).

• Can select and administer culturally and linguistically appropriate formal and informal assessments
• Can establish positive and respectful reciprocal relationships with multilingual families”

CONCLUSION

High-quality, equitable curriculum development and implementation for multilingual learners will require a shift in the field of early childhood education, as well as in education in general, from a deficits-based to an assets-based perspective. Instead of being viewed through the lens of what they do not know in English, multilingual learners need to be appreciated, affirmed, and celebrated for what they do know and for their bilingual potential, regardless of the language they speak. Future research on the impacts of early childhood curriculum on the growth and achievement of multilingual learners will need to recognize that emergent bilingualism is a goal for all multilingual learners and desirable for English-speaking preschoolers, because of the cognitive, linguistic, and social benefits of full bilingualism and biliteracy.

Most states, school districts, and local programs have yet to develop a standard procedure for identifying multilingual learners during the preschool years; thus, they miss the opportunity to document community contexts, language distribution patterns, and educational needs. Identifying multilingual learners during the preschool years and providing targeted, linguistically and culturally affirming services will enable program implementers and policy makers to demonstrate the benefits of a strengths-based approach that celebrates and values home language abilities and cultural knowledge as assets rather than liabilities.

As the field of early childhood education is populated primarily with English-speaking teachers and administrators, it will be critical to provide professional development on the methods and strategies that all staff can implement to support both home language maintenance and intentional systematic English language development. As discussed in this chapter, research demonstrates the linguistic advantages of multilingual learners attending balanced dual language classrooms—and providing these classrooms requires qualified bilingual staff, who are currently in short supply. Consequently, there is an urgent need to prepare more bilingual early childhood teachers across a range of languages, extending the possibility of dual language classrooms to languages beyond Spanish and English.

Most early childhood curricula have been developed in English, although some have created Spanish translations and made adaptations for children who are multilingual. A concentrated effort to develop instructional materials that take into consideration the learning trajectories of

multilingual learners, adjust benchmarks for children who are learning through two languages, include representations of children’s cultures and values, and embed assessments recognizing a range of developmental patterns common to multilingual learners will help to improve educational practices to children from diverse backgrounds.

Researchers and policy makers are slowly documenting the core competencies of all early childhood educators who work with multilingual learners. These qualifications to educate young multilingual learners effectively need to be clearly articulated and embedded into early childhood teacher preparation programs, as well as comprehensive professional development systems. The future educational success of the increasingly diverse population of students relies on the knowledge, dispositions, and skills of a workforce that is well prepared, well supported, and respected.

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