Law enforcement plays a pivotal role in fostering a Safe System. As users of the network and often being the first to respond to incidents, law enforcement officers see firsthand the potential for road-user injury. Additionally, they are responsible for enforcing the rules of the road and encouraging safe road-user behavior. Coordination among law enforcement personnel, planners, designers, and policymakers can result in proactively addressing officer-observed injury risks. Furthermore, penalizing transgressors of roadway laws can discourage unsafe behaviors.
The current law enforcement regime is rooted in the deterrence theory, which relies on the certainty, swiftness, and severity of punishments to be effective (Paternoster 2018; Barnum and Nagin 2023). Indeed, legal threats are most effective when potential rule violators perceive a high likelihood of being caught committing an unlawful act, believe the resulting punishment will be severe, and understand that the punishment will be applied quickly after the offense (Davey and Freeman 2011). Among these factors, certainty appears to be the most powerful deterrent to performing risky or unlawful behavior (Von Hirsch 1999; Truelove et al. 2017).
Unfortunately, violating traffic laws is commonplace, especially when it comes to driving above the posted speed limit. The AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety’s 2022 Traffic Safety Culture Index study found that 40 percent of drivers stated they had exceeded the posted speed limit by 15 mph on a freeway in the past month, and nearly 30 percent reported exceeding the speed limit by 10 mph on a residential street (AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety 2023). However, more than 80 percent of respondents perceived this level of speeding to be moderately to extremely dangerous. Yet, 37 percent of respondents believed it was unlikely a driver would be caught by police for driving 15 mph over the speed limit on a freeway, and 51 percent of respondents believed drivers would not be caught by police for driving 10 mph over the speed limit on a residential street. These statistics suggest there is a perceived sense of danger with speeding; however, drivers are not deterred from this behavior perhaps because they do not perceive punishment as certain.
The events of May 2020 (the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and uprising of the Black Lives Matter movement) reshaped how law enforcement officers interact with their communities and enforce the laws. These events coupled with reallocation of police funding has decreased the resources available to enforce basic traffic laws. According to the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), 182 law enforcement agencies across the country noted a nearly 5 percent decline in sworn officers between January 2020 and January 2023 (PERF 2023). Fewer law enforcement staff has resulted in added challenges in implementing the Safe System approach through traffic law enforcement in isolation. Therefore, coordination with transportation professionals is critical.
Beyond ensuring certain punishment for traffic law violations, a Safe System–aligned law enforcement paradigm can contribute to cultural shifts, ones that lead to perceiving safe road-using behaviors as possible, desirable, and normal (Daugbjerg and Kay 2020). A paradigm shift
in law enforcement is necessary and possible, and the following sections outline methods, strategies, and practices to employ in advancing toward a Safe System. Although many challenges face law enforcement officers today, the strategies defined herein are intended to be performed with available resources and staffing.
To apply the principles of a Safe System in the context of law enforcement, the following strategies can contribute to a Safe System:
In 2017 the NSC reviewed crash reports from all 50 states and Washington, DC, and found that critical data were vastly underreported. Without this information, regulations, laws, and policies are difficult to justify, and some safety issues may not be addressed since a clear picture of the concern is not painted (NSC 2017). A call to action in this report included a shift from an “accident report” to a “crash investigation” mentality. An accident report is often seen as burdensome paperwork designed solely to capture law violations and update insurance companies. A crash investigation, on the other hand, requires consideration of the system within which road injuries occur. For example, the AcciMap approach to crash investigation presents a systems-based technique to analyze the causal chain of events that lead to serious crashes, from the immediate precursors to the crash, up to higher levels that consider the organizational, governmental, and regulatory factors that played a role in the crash (Salmon et al. 2020; Stanton et al. 2023). Thus, in collaborative crash investigations, law enforcement officers can work with professional and community partners to identify the network of factors that shape road users’ behaviors that result in serious crashes, share results of the investigations with the public and policymakers, and ultimately inform road injury prevention efforts. Additionally, through this effort, there should be renewed focus on accurate crash reporting. Law enforcement is on the front line of providing this information, which is used for improving the safety performance of the roadway network. Part of this collaboration includes understanding the need for accurate and thorough data to guide reductions in serious crashes.
Another change that could be made in the landscape of law enforcement is the enforcement of protective policies rather than punishing ones. One example of a protective enforcement policy includes installing ignition interlocks for all drivers convicted of driving under the influence (DUI) rather than relying solely on issuing fines to impaired drivers caught during saturation patrols. Although ignition interlocks would not prevent all instances of impaired driving, they can significantly reduce the frequency of offenses (Kaufman and Wiebe 2016; Nochajski et al. 2020). Another example of a protective enforcement practice is instituting immediate administrative license revocation or suspension (ALR/ALS) for alcohol- and drug-impaired-driving offenses, which swiftly eliminates offenders’ ability to drive a motor vehicle for a meaningful period, such as 90 days (Fell 2019). Moreover, safety researchers have called for pairing ALR/ALS with vehicle impoundment to prevent offending drivers’ ability to drive under the influence (Ferguson 2012; Kaur et al. 2023), thereby removing the safety threat of impaired driving and protecting other road users in the process.
Another example of a protective policy is the use of speed governors or ISA technology. An investigation into a crash resulting in nine fatalities in 2022 led the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) to recommend ISA in all new vehicles. The crash was determined to be caused by excessive speed, drug-impaired driving, and the failure to deter habitual speeding despite the driver having numerous recorded speeding citations (NTSB 2023). ISA would use a vehicle’s Global Positioning System location, a database of posted speed limits, and an onboard camera to help ensure safe and legal speeds. Active systems would warn a driver through visual, sound, or haptic alerts when the vehicle exceeds the posted speed limit, but the driver is responsible for controlling the speed. Passive systems physically limit the speed at which the vehicle can travel. Both systems are examples of protective policy systems that could be employed, especially for habitual speed violators, to promote safer speeds.
A real potential for change comes with law enforcement personnel observing, documenting, and sharing risk patterns with road designers and planners rather than conducting isolated enforcement operations (Blank, Sandt, and O’Brien 2020). Law enforcement officers use the roadway network regularly and often know where the riskiest behaviors occur. Drivers may be more likely to travel at high speed along multilane roadway segments. Pedestrians may regularly cross outside of crosswalks near schools or businesses because of the lack of nearby crossing facilities (as seen in Figure 14). This information can be shared with roadway designers and planners so that infrastructure improvements may be considered to address riskier behaviors and minimize the need for persistent law enforcement intervention. Most commonly, these observations are noted as part of road safety audits when law enforcement officers collaborate with other safety professionals to assess the safety performance of a roadway or intersection. However, the communication of these observations should not be reserved only for official audits. Rather, open communication and collaboration with roadway designers and planners can occur on a regular basis, either as patterns are noted by law enforcement or through scheduled coordination meetings with road designers and planners.
Photo courtesy of Burgess & Niple.
Stemming from these law enforcement strategies are more specific safety practices. To identify Safe System–aligned practices, the team extracted 11 of them from the literature review phase of the research and presented them to safety practitioners via an online survey (see Appendix E). Survey participants were asked to rate the financial, social, and political feasibility of each practice and the safety impact based on their professional experience and institutional knowledge. Analysis of the responses revealed a modest range of feasibility scores and a wide range of impact scores, which can be found in Appendix E.
In coordination with Safe System principles and law enforcement strategies, the team determined whether each law enforcement practice would reduce road users’ exposure to severe crash types (e.g., run-off-road, head-on, intersection, pedestrian, bicyclist, or motorcyclist crashes) and the likelihood road users would be involved in one or more of these crash types.
Table 10 provides example law enforcement practices and their change mechanisms (i.e., the steps or processes responsible for improving road users’ safety).
Safe System law enforcement strategies and practices advance coordination with other professional disciplines to investigate serious crashes; enforce road-user protective policies; and share observed risk patterns with planners, engineers, and policymakers.
To begin implementing Safe System–aligned law enforcement practices, consider following these steps and substeps:
Table 10. Safe System law enforcement practices.
| Example Practice | How Safety Is Improved | Exposure | Likelihood | Severity | Improves IRA, PCC, or CD1 | Costs2 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Instituting immediate administrative license revocation or suspension (ALR/ALS) for alcohol- and drug-impaired-driving offenses | Discourages impaired driving with swift and severe punishment | − | − | Medium | ||
| Instituting or enforcing a statewide primary enforcement seatbelt-use law, which would require occupants to wear seatbelts in both the front and back seats and allow law enforcement officers to ticket occupants for not wearing a seatbelt, without other citable traffic infractions taking place | Promotes seatbelt usage so that in the event of a crash, the outcome may be less severe | − | − | − | Medium | |
| Instituting high-visibility saturation patrols for alcohol- or drug-impaired driving | Increases the certainty of offenders being caught for driving impaired and can remove impaired drivers from the road | − | − | Medium | ||
| Requiring alcohol ignition interlocks installed for all drivers convicted of driving under the influence (DUI) | Lowers the potential for DUI offenders to drive impaired without police intervention | − | − | Medium | ||
| Instituting or enforcing a statewide universal motorcycle helmet law, which would require all motorcyclists to wear U.S. DOT–compliant helmets, regardless of the rider’s age or experience | Promotes helmet usage so that in the event of a crash, the outcome may be less severe | − | − | − | Medium | |
| Reframing the context of a crash (i.e., not victim-blaming, not calling the incident an accident) when engaging news media partners | Changes the narrative around crashes and supports the notion that crashes are preventable, even when humans make mistakes | − | − | − | Low |
| Example Practice | How Safety Is Improved | Exposure | Likelihood | Severity | Improves IRA, PCC, or CD1 | Costs2 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Implementing speed safety cameras (automated speed enforcement) that use revenues to fund safety infrastructure | Reduces the prevalence of speeding behaviors given the certainty of punishment for offenders | − | Medium | |||
| Implementing red-light camera enforcement that uses revenues to improve safety | Reduces the prevalence of red-light-running given the certainty of punishment for offenders | − | − | Medium | ||
| Linking police with emergency medical service (EMS)/hospital data for persons injured in motor vehicle crashes | Provides a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the harm induced by road trauma that may not be available within crash data | − | − | − | Medium | |
| Forming a task force or community coalition of law enforcement, transportation, public health, members of the community, and other partners to investigate serious crashes (either before or after the crash report is complete) and report findings and proposed changes to the public | Strengthens the investigation of crash causes and provides contextual information that can be used to inform changes to policies and infrastructure | − | − | − | Low | |
| Encouraging and facilitating public use of self-reporting (via mobile app or survey) to capture collisions and other events falling outside the scope of traditional crash reporting (e.g., near misses, pedestrian and bicyclist falls) outside of the crash data system | Proactively informs law enforcement and design and planning practitioners about concerning locations so additional enforcement or infrastructure improvements could be implemented before serious crashes occur | − | − | − | Low |
Note: − = Not applicable.
1 IRA = injury risk assessment, PCC = professional and community coordination, CD = crash diagnoses.
2 Costs correspond to the total financial cost associated with a policy or practice, including labor, equipment, and infrastructure (Low ≤ $100k; Medium = $100k−$1 million; and High ≥ $1 million in total or per year).
For example, in step 1, if a safety team identifies and prioritizes addressing impaired driving, they might pursue requiring the installation of alcohol ignition interlocks for all drivers convicted of DUI given the importance of addressing the problem to community representatives and the availability of community resources to address impaired driving.
Then, in step 2, a safety team might conclude that an alcohol ignition interlock program aligns with the Safe System strategy to enforce road-user protective policies. They might also conclude that an alcohol ignition interlock program can reduce offending drivers’ and other road users’ exposure to serious crash risk, and the likelihood of serious crashes on the road network.
At this point, a team should reflect on whether a selected safety practice: (1) aligns with one or more Safe System strategies; (2) can significantly reduce the likelihood of users’ exposure to severe crash forces or enhance injury risk assessment, professional and community coordination, or crash diagnoses; and (3) is feasible given available resources to institute the practice. If the team concludes that all three criteria are satisfied, the practice should be considered for implementation, and the safety team could follow the steps outlined in Table 11. However, if one or more of these three criteria are not satisfied, teams are recommended to start over from step 1 until all three criteria are satisfied.
For illustrative purposes, a safety team looks to install alcohol ignition interlocks for all drivers convicted of DUI. Table 11 provides recommended steps to implement this safety practice along with elements to consider within each step.
The shift toward Safe System–aligned law enforcement practices is possible and necessary for the United States to realize zero deaths and serious injuries on the nation’s roadways. Law enforcement personnel collaborating with planners and road designers can proactively prevent serious crashes from reoccurring and can inform decisions about appropriate modifications to safety policy and infrastructure. This sort of collaboration is at the heart of the next chapter, which covers Safe System–aligned post-crash response strategies and practices.
Table 11. Law enforcement practice implementation steps and example elements.
| Step | Example Step Elements |
|---|---|
| Determine the practice’s intended goals, the factors that contribute to practice performance and interactions among factors, what key factors might look like in the future, and success indicators. |
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| Enable innovation of practices to meaningfully respond to foreseen and unforeseen opportunities. |
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| Monitor indicators of performance in relation to practice objectives, key factor indicators and thresholds for adjusting the practice, and interested party feedback on the practice. |
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| Improve learning of practice performance to make necessary adjustments to shore up practice performance or to change up the practice altogether. |
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