Out-of-school-time (OST) programs are a part of the broader field of youth development.2 Situated at the intersection of child and youth development, education, workforce, human services, and community development, the youth development field serves as a bridge between school, community, and home, whether before or after school, on weekends, in the summer, or during school breaks. As a field, it encompasses the broad range of programs and settings where young people spend their time outside of school and the actors and systems that support them. The terms OST and youth development programs are sometimes used interchangeably; however, OST speaks to the time programs can happen and youth development speaks to the approach.
In 2002, the National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine released a foundational report for the field of youth development: Community Programs to Promote Youth Development. Commonly referred to today as the “Blue Book,” that report reviewed the evidence available at the time on positive youth development, identifying the personal and social assets young people need to succeed, the settings that foster these assets, and
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1 This chapter does not include references. Citations to support the text and conclusions herein are provided in following chapters of the report.
2 Youth development, sometimes known as positive youth development, is “an intentional, prosocial approach that engages youth within their communities, schools, organizations, peer groups, and families in a manner that is productive and constructive; recognizes, utilizes, and enhances young people’s strengths; and promotes positive outcomes for young people by providing opportunities, fostering positive relationships, and furnishing the support needed to build on their leadership strengths” (see Chapter 1).
youth programs that could serve as models for communities. This report serves to update the 2002 Blue Book: to recognize the growth, robustness, and complexity of the youth development field and consider ways in which OST programs can better serve the needs of all children and youth.
At the request of the Wallace Foundation, the National Academies established an ad hoc committee of experts—with backgrounds in public policy, child and adolescent development, developmental psychology, sociology, population health, juvenile justice, economics, research and evaluation, and program design and delivery—to conduct a consensus study on the learning and development of young people from low-income households in OST settings across grades K–12. The committee was asked to review the evidence across four key areas for this population: (1) characterizing the array of OST activities; (2) evaluating the strength and limitations of the evidence on the effectiveness of OST activities in promoting learning, development, and well-being; (3) outlining improvements to existing policies and regulations to increase program access and quality; and (4) laying out a research agenda that would strengthen the OST evidence base. In reviewing the available evidence, the committee was directed to consider the intersections between economic stress and other factors that have operated historically to marginalize young people.3
In addressing its task, the committee found that the field of youth development has seen a number of changes in the past two decades: (1) OST programs and activities have become increasingly varied in their settings and programming, and in the children and youth served; (2) a greater consideration of the unique needs and identities of children and youth has changed how the field understands high-quality programming; and (3) public and private funding and support for programs has increased, as has demand for these programs. These changes emphasize that, while the contexts—including the state of children and youth across the nation—have changed since the Blue Book was written, the value and interest in OST programs as positive developmental settings remain strong.
Developmental and ecological theories are commonly used to guide researchers and practitioners in the youth development field in their consideration of learning and human development—including how time spent in OST settings can shape young people’s growth, the factors within these
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3 In a scoping review of 50 years of research, Fluit et al. synthesized an integrated definition of marginalization as “a multifaceted concept referring to a context-dependent social process of ‘othering’ where certain individuals or groups are systematically excluded based on societal norms and values, as well as the resulting experiences of disadvantage.” The authors note that both the process and outcomes of marginalization can vary significantly across contexts. See “Key Terms Used in the Report” in Chapter 1.
settings that might be influential, and how these settings interact with other parts of their lives. These theories have then been applied to establish OST program tools and trainings that are used to support program quality. The theory of positive youth development is most associated with OST programs, offering approaches that recognize and emphasize young people’s strengths, their circumstances and relationships, and their individual agency. In recent decades, scholars have increasingly considered the role of social position, culture, and access to resources to understand the unique experiences of children and youth from a range of backgrounds. These conceptualizations examine the ways in which social and community forces influence opportunities and outcomes.
These theories have also led to greater understanding that OST programs are part of a larger ecosystem of multiple, overlapping systems that shape the creation of OST programs, access to these programs, and ultimately the experiences they provide for children and youth. Applying a systems view to OST programs allows consideration of all the factors that shape outcomes for children and youth, rather than focusing on why particular children and youth do not succeed. It provides an alternative to individually focused frameworks, which can involve deficit views in which children, youth, and families are held accountable for individual outcomes, despite society-level systems such as culture, law, and government that affect those outcomes.
Within this ecosystem are subsystems and sectors, such as families, education, and transportation, that serve as entry points for implementors, funders, researchers, and others to improve programs. Key actors supporting the OST ecosystem include intermediaries; these are coordinating entities, commonly local OST nonprofit organizations and state OST networks, that facilitate the OST ecosystem and manage networks of program providers. Intermediaries—such as state afterschool networks, local OST intermediaries, and children’s cabinets—serve a critical function in coordinating, funding, and collecting data on OST systems, and in providing technical assistance to local OST programs, activities, and related services (Conclusion 3-1).
OST programs vary across multiple dimensions. Some dimensions represent deliberate choices made, such as a program’s focus, curriculum, and level of structure; others result from external factors such as location, level of resources, and governance. There is no standard organizing categorization of programs that is routinely used in the field, but rather these dimensions paint a picture of the broad landscape of OST programs serving children and youth in the United States. This variance is beneficial because it allows programs to meet participants’ and communities’ unique needs.
Despite high levels of satisfaction with OST programs among parents and a decade of steadily increasing participation in the early 2000s, the limited available data indicate that the number of children and youth participating in OST programs declined between 2014 and 2020 to 14% (7.8 million) of the overall school-age population, with the largest decreases among Black, Hispanic, and Asian youth.4 Moreover, of the 7.8 million youth participating in OST programs in 2020, 2.7 million were from low-income households. While OST participation has declined, unmet demand has continued to rise, increasing to 24.6 million children in 2020. According to survey data, 11 million children from low-income households would participate in programs if they were available to them, suggesting that barriers to participation in OST are not evenly distributed (Conclusion 4-3). Families with low incomes most often cite program costs, safe and reliable transportation, program awareness, and program availability as barriers. State and local intermediaries, municipalities, and programs have implemented promising strategies for reducing barriers and supporting participation, such as providing stipends to older youth to attend programs.
Available data provide some indication of the profile of OST participation, but these data are limited. Systematic information on OST programming at a national level—including the type of programming, location, and populations served—is needed to offer a clearer understanding of the availability and accessibility of programs (Conclusion 4-1). Moreover, population-level or nationally representative data that report on participation at intersecting demographics are critical to document and explore reasons for participation trends (Conclusion 4-3). Data on intersections of marginalization are lacking, and no population-level data on OST participation exist for some groups of children and youth, such as those with chronic health conditions, disabilities, and special needs, and those experiencing homelessness, involved with the juvenile justice system, or from immigrant families (Conclusion 4-2). The gaps in available data around OST programs and participation present an opportunity for greater investment in data collection and assessment, which can inform program design and help target resources to those groups most in need.
The quality and competency of the workforce supporting OST programs are important elements of program quality, contributing to young people’s level of engagement in programs and the impact of programs on
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4 Data are from the America After 3PM survey, the only national survey of afterschool activities. See Chapter 4.
their outcomes (Conclusion 5-2). Youth development practitioners—the adult leaders who guide children and youth through social, educational, and personal development within informal educational spaces—are central to this workforce. OST programs benefit when these staff are creative, well trained, skilled at building relationships, and capable of making long-term commitments to programs. There is great variation in the roles of this profession, in the responsibilities they take on, and the educational and experiential paths they take to join the field. This heterogeneity has helped the field remain flexible, innovative, and inclusive.
While research shows they are committed to their work and the youth they serve, youth development practitioners face a number of challenges that can influence retention, such as lack of recognition and respect, low wages, job stress, and limited training and professional development. Staff turnover is an often-cited problem in this field, as it impacts program access and quality—lower staffing levels mean less capacity, fewer program spots for children and youth, and more time spent on hiring instead of on developing programs. Addressing the challenges contributing to staff attrition in OST programs requires organizational commitment and capacity. Especially for programs serving primarily children and youth from low-income households that rely on public funding, commitment and capacity often depend on system-level support structures and funding (Conclusion 5-1).
Moreover, the quality and competency of the workforce supporting OST programs are important elements of program quality, contributing to young people’s level of engagement in programs and the impact of programs on their outcomes. More professional development opportunities through education and training (e.g., through postsecondary degrees, certificates, and organization-led trainings) for individuals interested in or currently serving in youth development can help build the OST workforce pipeline and strengthen career trajectories, which ultimately will strengthen program quality (Conclusion 5-2).
Estimates from the early 2000s suggest that there were between 2 million and 4 million frontline youth services workers in the United States, but there are neither population-level data nor formal federal occupational classifications for these workers. Without a federally recognized occupational code and formalized apprenticeship designations, there are no wage protections, which has prompted both public and private funders of OST programs to often (unintentionally) underestimate the needs of staff, from allowable use of dollars for staff compensation, to indirect rate restrictions on talent development and retention. Ultimately, more work—including system-level supports and resources, professional development opportunities, and population-level data collection—is needed not only to recognize these professionals but to support their growth and strengthen career trajectories (Conclusion 5-3).
The past two decades have seen the rise of the program quality movement in OST systems and the emergence of quality improvement initiatives, which youth development practitioners use to systematically examine and improve aspects of their programs. Program quality has been defined in many ways, but generally includes aspects of the physical space, psychological safety, structure, adult–youth interaction, and learning opportunities. Variation in program quality helps to account for differences in effectiveness; the youth development field has focused increasingly on improving the quality of both program design and implementation to best meet the needs of participants. Developing program curricula that are culturally responsive and co-created with youth are common program practices that the committee identified from the qualitative literature, which are critical additions to the features of developmental settings that have emerged since the Blue Book.
Although studies connect OST outcomes and quality, additional research is needed to explore associations between specific indicators of quality and outcomes, and to provide additional guidance for focusing on or prioritizing elements of quality to improve outcomes for all children and youth (Conclusion 6-2). Furthermore, most current quality approaches take a universal approach that is not explicit about barriers that drive access and opportunity gaps. Research that examines how critical approaches to positive youth development can be more intentionally integrated into programs is needed, as are thoughtful critiques of the dominant quality approaches.
OST settings provide a place for the social and emotional development of children and youth, provided they are well designed and offer high-quality experiences that intentionally support these areas of development. OST settings can provide a place that is responsive to youth, where all participants can feel a sense of belonging and affirm their sense of self. Children and youth report that these programs and activities help them develop responsibility, positive work ethics, social skills, and interest in civic activities (Conclusion 7-1). However, OST programs are not easily poised to affect intransient, hard-to-change outcomes, such as test scores and grades, which require continuous and effective teaching and are heavily influenced by schools. Notwithstanding, some OST programs and experiences have been shown to foster interest and engagement in specific academic domains and social and emotional skills that help youth succeed at school, which over the long term may lead to better educational outcomes, such as attendance and graduation (Conclusion 7-2).
Box S-1 presents the committee’s overall takeaways from the literature assessing outcomes of OST programs. Not all OST programs are expected
to demonstrate positive effects on all outcomes. OST programs are most likely to affect outcomes that they intentionally support through the content and provision of developmental opportunities (Conclusion 7-3).
To better understand which outcomes an activity affects, research and evaluation of OST programs need to move beyond studies that seek to reach general conclusions about whether OST programs are effective by comparing those who do and do not attend these programs to understanding which quality features and experiences in which activities are associated with youth development and for whom—taking into account both activity- and youth-level factors. Future research can capitalize on the strengths of multiple methods to provide a deeper understanding of what specific types of programs, experiences, approaches, and characteristics of OST program quality are linked to positive outcomes across learning, development, and well-being, and for which specific children and youth, families, and communities (Conclusion 7-4).
In the United States, the landscape of funding for OST programs is fragmented; programs are paid for through a number of financing mechanisms, including program fees paid by families, public funding (federal, state, and local), and private funding (philanthropic and other investments). For children and youth from low-income households, public and philanthropic assistance are vital to their participation in these programs.
While public investment in children and youth from low-income households has grown over the past two decades, these investments are often designed for a specific purpose (e.g., health, education, housing, food security, workforce development) and administered through a designated agency. This has created both a fragmented and incremental portfolio of funding for children, youth, and families. With federal dollars often distributed using a formula across all U.S. states, territories, and tribal communities, the dollars rarely stretch to meet the needs of children and youth, and many eligible families remain unserved (Conclusion 8-1).
To fill gaps in their budgets, OST programs are left to search for other sources of support, resulting in increased burden on OST providers in researching, competing for, and complying with onerous accountability measures across their funding portfolio; at times, funders demand contrary requirements. Complex grant application processes make it challenging for OST programs to develop a sustained funding portfolio, with particular hardship on smaller, rural, underresourced programs. These dynamics widen the funding gap between small grassroots organizations, which often serve children and youth from low-income and marginalized backgrounds, and well-established organizations with greater capacity to apply and adhere to grant requirements. Concerned about the sustainability of their funding,
OST providers often operate from a scarcity mindset, shaping their programs in response to available funding opportunities rather than in response to strategic implementation of their organization’s mission (Conclusion 8-2).
Intermediaries play a critical role in providing timely supports so programs can continuously improve, implement innovative practices, utilize data-informed systems, and better compete for funding. However, public and private funding streams can restrict use of funds for such activities; at times, this leaves intermediaries underfunded, overstretched, and may result in OST programs lacking access to supports. While some states and local governments have improved coordination and increased alignment across funding streams by blending or braiding funds to increase sustainability, the capacity and opportunity for such practices to take place at the program or organizational level are limited. Greater access to consistent technical assistance and professional development resources can support programs in their capacity and skills to fundraise, implement, comply with, and sustain funding at the program level (Conclusion 8-3).
While additional research is needed to fully appraise when OST activities matter, how they matter, for whom, and under what conditions, decades of research and practice point to OST programs playing a critical role in youth development as a bridge between school, home, and community and as a place for personal growth, relationship-building, learning, skill-building, and career exploration. For children and youth from affluent families, these experiences are often part of their normal life course, and children and youth from low-income households are eager for these opportunities—as mentioned above, data show 11 million children and youth from low-income households would enroll in a program if one were available.
In its review of the evidence, the committee found that effectiveness of programs is linked to youth participation and engagement and the quality of programming. Providing high-quality OST experiences for children and youth from low-income and marginalized backgrounds requires strong OST systems and organizational capacity, a stable and well-trained workforce, and high-quality programming that is responsive to the needs of the populations being served. Current funding levels and support structures are insufficient for meeting these requirements and for meeting the demand for OST programs.
The committee’s conclusions led it to develop a blueprint for efforts to better ensure high-quality OST opportunities, recognizing the role OST programs play in supporting parental and caregiver work, the gap in access between affluent and low-income families, and the overall positive association of high-quality programs on youth development. The committee’s recommendations are organized across six goals: (1) support the funding stability of OST programs; (2) increase support for intermediary
organizations to strengthen the organizational capacity of OST programs; (3) advance program quality efforts to foster enriching, safe, and supportive OST settings; (4) build stable, supportive environments and career pathways for youth development practitioners; (5) improve understanding of the landscape of OST programs and participation, OST staff development, program quality efforts, and OST systems; and (6) improve understanding of OST program effectiveness and outcomes. Goals 5 and 6 reflect the committee’s consensus that funding research is critically important to advancing the youth development field. The federal government can support research in various ways, including by (1) continuing to fund the Interagency Working Group on Youth programs to set priorities on youth research and offer shared metrics and/or roadmaps, (2) continuing to fund agencies and associated clearinghouses, (3) authorizing use of funds for evidence-generating activities, and (4) offering set-aside allocations that require federal grantees to budget for internal and/or external evaluations. A complete list of the full recommendations and specific considerations for implementation are included in Chapter 9.