7

Effectiveness and Outcomes of OST Programs

The committee was tasked with reviewing the evidence on the effectiveness and outcomes of out-of-school-time (OST) programs for promoting learning, development, and well-being for children and youth from low-income households. This chapter summarizes existing research on OST programs for children and youth—that is, according to research, which activities, practices, and experiences are effective for promoting learning, positive development (social, emotional, cognitive, and physical), and well-being for children and youth. To the extent possible and consistent with our charge, we focused on children and adolescents from low-income households and other marginalized¹ groups, but much of the existing research focuses on youth overall.

Given the variability and the nature of OST programs described in previous chapters, answering the seemingly simple question “Do OST programs matter for youth development?” is complicated. Therefore, this chapter begins with a discussion of factors that might help pinpoint for whom and under what circumstances programs are effective in supporting positive youth development, followed by a summary of our methodology in reviewing the literature.

The committee reviewed a significant number of studies. In order to make the content more accessible, the chapter first offers takeaways on

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¹ In a scoping review of 50 years of research, Fluit et al. (2024) synthesized an integrated definition of marginalization as “a multifaceted concept referring to a context-dependent social process of ‘othering’ where certain individuals or groups are systematically excluded based on societal norms and values, as well as the resulting experiences of disadvantage” (p. 1). The authors note that both the process and outcomes of marginalization can vary significantly across contexts (Fluit et al., 2024). See Box 1-3 in Chapter 1.

the state of the evidence for each developmental outcome reviewed and its findings on moving the state of research on OST programs and activities forward. The chapter then goes on to offer more detailed discussion of the studies reviewed, organized by area of youth development outcome. Within each area, we discuss experimental and nonexperimental evidence and then consider the effects within childhood and adolescence when possible.² The text includes some details on the studies, such as their methodological frames, but more detailed information can be found in Appendix A. Key terms used in this chapter are defined in Box 7-1.

CONSIDERING PROGRAM EFFECTIVENESS: WHEN, HOW, AND FOR WHOM

As described in Chapter 6, OST programs vary in terms of quality and the developmental experiences they provide. As a result, not all programs are equally effective in promoting positive youth development. Additionally, some children and youth are more influenced by programs than others. Though the average effect of programs on young people’s outcomes often is used as evidence of their effectiveness, differences across activities and individuals create variability in the size of the effects; some youth may experience

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² When possible, within each outcome domain, the committee separated its review of studies by those on children (ages 5–12) and those on adolescents (ages 13–18). Some studies included individuals whose age spanned across these categories; in these cases, the committee determined where best to place these studies. Additional information on the age of the populations studied is available in Appendix A.

large positive gains whereas others may be unaffected, or even perhaps negatively impacted (Shonkoff & Center on the Developing Child, 2017).

A variety of factors at the setting, activity, and individual levels contributes to the diversity in program effects (Simpkins, 2015; Vandell et al., 2015). At the setting level, the content and quality of an activity are central dimensions to understanding effectiveness, which outcomes they affect, and the diversity in their effects (Simpkins, 2015; Smith et al., 2018; Vandell et al., 2015; Williams & Deutsch, 2016). First, the linkages between a young person’s participation in an OST activity and their specific outcomes are likely to vary based on the content (e.g., goals and programming) of the activity (as noted in Chapter 2) and what developmental opportunities are afforded by the activity. For example, a science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) program is likely to influence a young person’s STEM outcomes, but the extent to which it influences other academic domains (e.g., reading) or other areas of development (e.g., social and emotional learning, mental health) will depend on what else is emphasized in the programming and how it is executed and organized (e.g., teamwork, group goals).

At the activities level, quality shapes what youth take away from OST activities (see also Chapters 2 and 6). In a seminal meta-analysis, Durlak et al. (2010) provides empirical evidence that participation in OST programs is associated with participants’ positive outcomes only when the programs were high quality; participation in lower-quality programs was associated with little or no change in children’s outcomes. Recently, scholars have argued that culturally responsive practices are essential components of high-quality activities, particularly for marginalized youth (Simpkins et al., 2017; Wilson-Ahlstrom & Martineau, 2022). In fact, some Latine middle school adolescents have reported being marginalized, experiencing discrimination, or having other negative experiences in OST activities (Lin et al., 2016; Ma et al., 2020). Culturally responsive practice can help address these concerning experiences in activities, as documented in Chapter 6 (see also, e.g., García Coll et al., 1996; Ladson-Billings, 2021).

Variability is also evident at the individual level. Recent work suggests that the benefits associated with participating in an activity depend on what other things children and youth do after school. For example, participating in OST programs is associated with positive youth development unless they are also spending significant amounts of time unsupervised (Gülseven et al., 2024; Vandell et al., 2022).

Because activities are voluntary, some young people do not attend any OST organized activities. In some cases, nonparticipation is a choice; in other cases, hindrances might include the lack of financial resources to support involvement, knowledge of available programming, or transportation (see Chapter 4). Young people who do not participate in organized

activities can spend their time after school in a variety of ways, such as hanging out with peers unsupervised, working, making meaningful contributions to their families (e.g., caretaking), getting engrossed in social media, or investing in an informal skill-based activity they enjoy (e.g., drawing, reading), among other activities (Vandell et al., 2015). This variability is key in studies that compare participants and nonparticipants, though historically it has not been considered, and the nonparticipant group (as well as the participant group, for that matter) has been treated as a single homogeneous group (Mahoney & Zigler, 2006). Moreover, children and youth often have multiple options for OST activities. Although this has been less well studied, it is possible that young people who attend different activities (e.g., 4-H as compared to an arts program) may experience the same benefits and have similar outcomes. This is important when comparing individuals who participate in a specific activity with those who do not. Documenting and accounting for possible moderating factors, including other interventions in the child’s environment, such as tutoring, psychotherapy, mentoring, neighborhood support, and other OST activities, is important for future research (Mahoney & Zigler, 2006).

The young people who attend activities, even among those who attend the same activity site, can experience the same activity very differently from one another. Young people who attend the same activity vary in terms of how often they participate, the extent to which they are engaged and enjoy the activity, their experiences at the activity, and other individual factors (such as their relationships with other participants and staff; Simpkins, 2015; Vandell et al., 2015). For example, the same activity could be a supportive environment for one individual and a marginalizing space for others (Lin et al., 2016; Ma et al., 2020). Such variability can emerge because youth are treated differently, youth engage in the activity in different ways, and the activity may be a better fit for some youth than others.

Of the various individual factors, the amount of time young people spend in activities has been the most heavily researched. The amount of time is important because it takes time for individuals to develop new skills, relationships, habits, and belief systems (Bohnert et al., 2010; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). The multidimensionality or complexity of participation makes its impact sometimes challenging to assess, and existing studies vary in how and how deeply participation is assessed. Yet, simply spending time in an activity is not enough. How much participants learn depends on how engaged they are in the activity, how much they enjoy it, and the extent to which it is core to their sense of self or identity. Children and youth who are engaged or invested will likely learn more than a participant who does not want to be there or is a wallflower in the corner. For the most part, research

shows support for what might be called the “more is better” hypothesis. In other words, greater participation intensity, depth, engagement, and even breadth is associated with greater benefits (Bohnert et al., 2010).³

In spite of these challenges, existing research may shed light on implementation, scalability, and sustainability, as well as programs and approaches that are associated with positive outcomes for children and youth. To the extent possible, the committee organized the literature to take into account these sources of variability, including the setting, person, time, process, and domain (Bornstein, 2017; Lerner et al., 2024; Shonkoff & Center for the Developing Child, 2017; Simpkins, 2015). The literature review is organized by the domain or area of youth development (e.g., academic outcomes, social outcomes) and the age of the population studied (i.e., children and adolescents). To the extent possible, we examined whether aspects of the activity setting (e.g., content or type of the activity), developmental processes (e.g., youth–staff relationships), and individual-level indicators (e.g., time spent in activities, whether youth were members of a marginalized group) helped pinpoint when activities had positive effects and when they did not. However, our ability to address these issues was contingent on the existing literature. In some cases, the programs and approaches discussed may require additional evaluation to infer causal impacts on particular outcomes. In other cases, studies may provide insights that can inform policy and practice decision-making even if the programs, approaches, and outcomes they describe are not amenable to a causal study.

METHODOLOGY FOR THE LITERATURE REVIEW

The committee derived literature for review from several sources. First, we commissioned the external consultants Mathematica and Youth-Nex to conduct systematic literature reviews. Mathematica’s review focused on quantitative research (including original data analysis and meta-analyses). Youth-Nex’s review focused on qualitative and mixed-methods research (Forrester et al., 2024; O’Connell et al., 2024). The committee worked closely with these consultants to set the parameters of their searches and narrow results. Additionally, the results of a systematic literature review conducted by committee member Dr. Sandra Simpkins with Dr. Deborah Vandell, both professors at the University of California, Irvine, were made

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³ There may be some threshold to this rule such that benefits taper after a large intensity or breadth of involvement (e.g., Rose-Krasnor et al., 2006). A counter-suggestion, which has been called the “over-scheduling hypothesis,” suggests that too much activity involvement might be stressful and bad for children and youth. However, there is little empirical support for this hypothesis (Mahoney et al., 2006).

available to the committee.⁴ Lastly, members of the committee identified relevant literature through their own work as researchers and experts in the youth development field.

The goal of this review was not to provide an exhaustive review nor meta-analytic findings. Rather, the goal was to draw on all types of research (e.g., randomized controlled trials and correlational studies, quantitative and qualitative) to summarize current knowledge on the linkages between young people’s OST activities and their developmental outcomes. Given the number of publications, the committee prioritized studies that were

• conducted in the United States,
• published in peer-reviewed journals,
• published since 2000, and
• focused on OST programs (specifically, organized activities offered outside of school during the academic year; summer camps, tutoring, and museums were not included).

In addition, the committee prioritized longitudinal studies (rather than cross-sectional studies), as these provide evidence on potential longer-term effects; and, within quantitative studies, we prioritized those that were randomized controlled trials (RCTs) or quasi-experimental designs, as they provide evidence on causal inferences. We used (1) RCTs and quasi-experimental designs to discuss the causal effects of young people’s activities; (2) other quantitative findings to describe the relations between activities and outcomes; and (3) qualitative findings to describe potential outcomes, mechanisms, or processes that might account for how young people’s activities influence their development.

When applying the tools of science to social policy, programs, and practice, a long-standing tension exists between, on one hand, the desire for science to inform policy and program effectiveness and, on the other hand, the realities and limitations of research in addressing dynamic, evolving, and contextualized social programs.

A key question in assessing causality in studies is whether subjects were randomly assigned to receive the treatment (i.e., participate in OST activities). Such random assignment could be achieved two ways: through an explicitly experimental design—that is, an RCT—or through a natural experiment (i.e., quasi-experiment) that randomizes subjects into the treatment or control arms. In general, RCTs enable strong statements about cause because demographic characteristics are balanced across the

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⁴ The literature review conducted by Dr. Simpkins and Dr. Vandell was supported by the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation (Grants G2020-06433 and G2017-00786, which were led by Dr. Vandell as principal investigator).

experimental and control groups in random fashion. Some RCTs are conducted on novel programs or practices in a determined amount of time. While analyses of data from an RCT might involve comparing the average scores of experimental and control groups, there are additional ways to examine effects. Growth curve modeling allows investigation of normal trajectories of increasing or decreasing characteristics, such as academic achievement or reduced risky behaviors. Growth curve modeling could also compare the trajectories of youth participating in a program versus a comparison group. For example, while risky behaviors with substances or delinquency might be growing among a population, program participation might work to maintain lower levels of risk. Growth curve models might be used in RCTs or other quasi-experimental designs.

Limitations of RCT designs include that they may restrict access to OST for young people in the control group, and that information about long-term effects might not be desirable. To balance these concerns, a natural experiment might be more appropriate. However, natural experiments may include what scientists call regression discontinuity or instrumental variable approaches (see Box 7-1 for discussion of other methodological strategies that address these challenges).

Even with results from RCTs or quasi-experimental study designs, some notes of caution should be acknowledged in extrapolating causality:

RCTs, instrumental variable studies, or regression discontinuity designs identify the effect of the treatment on the treated as a local average treatment effect. What this means is that the effect is generalizable to the compliers who took the treatment. In an RCT, that group is those in the treatment group who complied with the program. In the highest-quality RCTs, program compliance is measured and might be used to examine whether it fostered the most desirable effects. In an instrumental variable or regression discontinuity design, compliers are those who were induced by the randomizing factor to take the treatment but who would not have

otherwise (i.e., not those who would never participate nor those who would always participate).

Second, OST programs need to be adapted to the local context to survive and be successful (Cole & Distributive Literacy Consortium, 2006). An OST activity that shows effectiveness in one context is not guaranteed to show effectiveness in others. However, when OST activities, programs, and practices demonstrate effectiveness in multiple settings and across increasing numbers of participants, this constitutes evidence for the generalizability of the program or practice (i.e., the ability to apply the findings of one study to a broader audience). In cases where an RCT and replication are possible, attention to implementation is critical. When implementing an OST activity in a new context, activity leaders have a few options: (1) strictly replicating the program with no changes, (2) making small adaptations of the program to fit the local context, or (3) reinventing the program by merging some original key aspects with substantially new components (Morel et al., 2019). Programs that specify key elements and characteristics, such as their necessary duration and frequency, and include elements amenable to adaptation foster flexibility and local ownership.

For example, if policymakers want to scale up programs that demonstrate significant, meaningful, and salubrious causal effects of particular OST activities, they must estimate how local contexts might influence implementation and effects. For example, those seeking to replicate a high-quality program that attracts highly skilled staff will need to consider potential constraints on the labor supply of experts in the domain in which the program focuses. Programs that are brought to scale may not fit all subpopulations’ needs well. This points to the need to analyze the efficacy of programming; a number of demographic and individual characteristics, such as gender, race and ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, can help determine whether programs provide greater benefits to some participants than to others. In a number of these cases when the research effects vary because of the individuals participating or the communities in which they are offered, qualitative methodologies can be helpful in uncovering important unknown parameters.

Adaptive designs build upon research that provides information on variation in efficacy by certain characteristics of the participants, staff, and/or programs (Collins et al., 2004). These characteristics are considered tailoring variables that inform decision-making regarding who receives specific program components. For example, an academically oriented OST program might work better for youth who need more instruction (scoring at a well-specified cutoff) than youth who are faring well in their studies (above the specified cutoff). For another example, programs that are not sensitive to the sociocultural backgrounds of the youth being served may not be as effective for all participating youth. Adaptive designs use

variations first to analyze potentially different needs and decision rules for when additional or supplemental components of programming might be useful. In the previous example, a standard program might be delivered to youth; if necessary, additional support might be added to cover linguistic, academic, or social dimensions. Evaluation of the adaptive design could use experimental or quasi-experimental designs to compare the standard programming with added supplementary programming, and to examine if the standard or adaptive programming worked better for various subpopulations of participants. New innovations in adaptive designs would be helpful in sorting out for whom the program works best and in what conditions.

In summary, research designs and methods vary and have different strengths and limitations in answering questions of social significance that may be used to inform considerations for implementation, policy, and practice. To this end, the committee offers a comprehensive presentation of available evidence, including experimental and observational studies that use quantitative and/or qualitative data, across a range of outcomes. We present the evidence with intentional language on evidence generation and application.

OUTCOMES: OVERALL TAKEAWAYS

As evident throughout this chapter, there is a wealth of research on the outcomes associated with young people’s participation in OST programs. While this chapter does not provide an exhaustive review, it summarizes current knowledge about the linkages between young people’s OST programs and a range of developmental outcomes. This section summarizes overall takeaways; later sections describe the research findings in greater detail.

The first overall takeaway is that OST programs vary in terms of quality and the developmental experiences they provide. As a result, some studies show positive associations and others no effects. Although the committee was unable to test this statistically, the effects may be less consistent and smaller for some outcomes compared with others. The review did not make clear whether certain activities are more effective, whether activities have larger effects on certain outcomes than on others, or whether the preponderance of evidence varies by the methods used in the research. Some of the findings suggest that activity effects depend, at least in part, on the alignment of the activity content and the area of development, supporting the specificity principle (Bornstein, 2017, 2019). As noted in scholarship on early childhood programs, it may be more helpful to ask questions such as, “What about the program works?” and “For whom does it work and for whom does it not work?” (Shonkoff & Center on the Developing Child, 2017, p. 6). The committee presents suggestions for future research to help move the field in this direction.

Many of the quantitative studies, particularly the experimental studies, focused on comparing the outcomes of youth who participated in a specific activity with those who did not. The next most widely used examined the associations between outcomes observed and the amount of time spent in a specific activity. These designs highlight average effects. Although it is helpful to understand average effects, it is unlikely that every activity is equally effective or that each activity has the same effect on all participants (Lerner et al., 2024; Shonkoff & Center on the Developing Child, 2017). As we noted at the outset of this chapter, participants and nonparticipants are quite diverse groups (Simpkins, 2015). Individuals’ experiences vary even when they attend the same activity site in terms of the amount of time they spend there, their engagement, the centrality of the activity to their sense of self, how they are treated by others, and how well the activity fits their needs and personality. These differences among young people who attend an activity will change how large of an impact an activity can have and if it will affect them in positive or negative ways.

The second overall takeaway is that OST programs and activities have potential to bring about some positive change across a range of outcome domains, including socioemotional and interpersonal skills; physical, mental, and behavioral health; substance use prevention; school success; and civic engagement (see Box 7-2).

The third overall takeaway from the committee’s review of existing research is that moving forward, it may be more fruitful to focus on what specific practices and experiences foster specific outcomes for which specific youth rather than (or in addition to) testing the average effects of an overall activity on a range of outcomes across all children and youth (Bornstein, 2017, 2019; Shonkoff & Center on the Developing Child, 2017).

Young people are more likely to learn skills, beliefs, and habits that are the focus of the activity. For instance, participants may be more likely to learn teamwork and value playing fairly if that is core to their team’s values and practices but not if the team thrives on competition and doing anything to win. Ngo (2017) found that art activities can promote young people’s understanding of their ethnic identity when the leaders have used art as a mechanism to explore these topics, but one might not expect these effects in an art activity that never addresses ethnicity.

To understand which outcomes an activity affects, researchers need to understand what participants are doing and being exposed to in the activity. It is time to move beyond testing whether participation in an activity is associated with a range of outcomes, as this approach makes assumptions about the uniformity of experiences in activities. Scholars and evaluators need to think critically about what happens at each activity site and what aspects of development should be affected given what they do.

This nuanced thinking is evident in many qualitative studies of activities in which researchers purposely describe what experiences in activities develop particular outcomes (e.g., responsibility, initiative [Larson, 2000; Larson et al., 2006]). These considerations need to be taken into account in quantitative studies, including experimental studies. Setting-level indicators, such as activity content, staff training, and daily programming, could be manipulated through experimental designs to test whether specific practices and experiences matter for what areas of development. This work would also help the field move beyond the need to test every specific activity to an understanding of the practices and aspects of quality that promote development. Programs could then use this information to ensure they incorporate the practices and aspects of quality that have been shown to promote the areas of development they want to impact.

It would also be helpful to have a stronger alignment between the questions posed and the evidence. The field wants to know if organized activities help support a young person’s positive development. However, most of the studies test whether outcomes measured at one time point vary based on whether or how often a child or youth participates in an activity. Assessing such differences across groups (which are known as interindividual differences) does not provide any information about individuals’ development (which are known as intraindividual changes; Lerner et al., 2024; Nesselroade & Molenaar, 2010; D. Yu et al., 2021).

To understand whether an activity affects young people’s development, researchers need to measure outcomes over time with longitudinal data and chart their development. Because children and youth develop at varying rates and at different times (e.g., some learn a skill faster than others), and come from different backgrounds with varying needs, the committee encourages scholars to consider individual differences in development and how specific experiences in activities can support the development of specific areas of youth functioning for specific youth (Bornstein, 2017, 2019). There may be periods of development when activities can be particularly influential on certain areas of development, such as supporting youth’s identity during adolescence, which is when identity processes are at the forefront (National Academies, 2019).

In summary, the current literature is promising. Scholars can capitalize on the strengths of multiple research methods to provide a deeper understanding of what types of programs and activities matter, when and how they matter, for whom, and for which outcomes (Bornstein, 2017, 2019; Lerner et al., 2024; Shonkoff & Center on the Developing Child, 2017; Simpkins, 2015; Smith et al., 2021). These questions are vital to further develop theories on youth development and inform effective practices that will support low-income and marginalized children and youth.

OUTCOMES FOR POSITIVE YOUTH DEVELOPMENT

Positive youth development encompasses a variety of outcomes, including competence, confidence, connections, character, caring, and contribution (Lerner et al., 2021). The positive youth development framework overlaps with frameworks on social and emotional learning and character development. Three broad areas have received consistent attention in the literature: (1) social and emotional skills, including persistence, a sense of responsibility, work habits, self-control and emotion-regulation skills, and prosocial behavior; (2) racial/ethnic identities and cultural values; and (3) contributions to community and political engagement. The patterns of the findings for many of these outcomes of positive youth development are nuanced and reviewed in greater detail below.

Social and Emotional Learning

Several studies suggest that participating in activities is associated with a variety of social and emotional skills (Fuller et al., 2013; Gordon et al., 2016;

Soto-Lara et al., 2022; M. Yu et al., 2021), such as persistence, responsibility, work habits, self-control and emotional regulation, and prosocial behavior (see Box 7-3). Given this variety, several frameworks have been developed to facilitate study and program design.

One common framework describes five broad categories: self-management, self-awareness, social awareness, relationship skills, and responsible decision-making (CASEL, n.d.). These skills help individuals socially, academically, and psychologically throughout life.

However, several scholars have critiqued traditional social and emotional learning (SEL) frameworks for being founded on the practices and ideas of majority groups that are already pervasive throughout society and institutions (e.g., school systems and curriculum; Camangian & Cariaga, 2022; McCall et al., 2023). They argue that SEL frameworks and programs need to be created based on the culture, practices, and ideals of groups in ways that promote youth development in culturally affirming ways and that center the marginalized group’s beliefs and practices and address the barriers the group has endured (Camangian & Cariaga, 2022; Ieva & Beasley, 2022).

Camangian and Cariaga (2022) argue that such conceptualizations of SEL can help move away from the narrative that individuals simply need to work harder or that they need to be fixed; instead, frameworks could help develop OST settings and practices that celebrate young people’s humanity and support their positive sense of self in spite of a marginalizing society. At the time of this report, research on OST activities and SEL has been based on more traditional conceptualizations of SEL. But program staff and researchers can also consider these newer conceptualizations of SEL programming for young people.

Youth report that, compared with classroom settings, organized afterschool activities offer more opportunities for growth in many SEL skills, including emotional regulation, a sense of initiative, teamwork, and prosocial norms (and sometimes friend groups; Dworkin et al., 2003; Hansen et al., 2003; Larson et al., 2006). Moreover, in a meta-analysis by Durlak et al. (2010), children who attended high-quality afterschool activities demonstrated more positive social behavior, which included many social and emotional skills (e.g., cooperation, positive interactions), compared with children who attended low-quality activities. Similar findings have emerged in another meta-analysis on SEL (Yao et al., 2023). However, in a third meta-analysis, significant effects on positive social behavior emerged only for youth who were not at a high risk for poor outcomes (Ciocanel et al., 2017).

Critiques by Camangian and Cariaga (2022) potentially shed light on these mixed findings, suggesting that it is possible that they resulted from the activities not being affirming spaces or addressing the current experiences of children and youth from marginalized backgrounds.

Persistence

Young people’s persistence is their ability to keep going despite failure, obstacles, or challenges; it can help individuals in a variety of settings throughout their lifespan. OST programs often ask children and youth to learn new skills, compete against others, or complete tasks, which provide opportunities to learn and practice their persistence. The evidence concerning associations between young people’s participation in organized OST activities and their persistence spans elementary through high school. One experimental study addressed causal effects (Graham et al., 2015); three described correlations between indicators.

Children.

Graham et al. (2015) conducted an experiment of an intervention program executed within an afterschool program that aimed to improve social skills and academic motivation to Black boys in grades 3–5 who were seen as aggressive by their teachers and peers. The intervention focused on the boys’ social skills (e.g., inferring intent, emotion regulation) and

academic motivation (e.g., goal-setting, mastery focus) through 32 lessons. The boys who received the intervention program demonstrated increased persistence in the classroom across the 12-week program, whereas the boys in the control group demonstrated declines in their persistence. These experimental findings suggest that OST programs that choose activities aimed at improving skills and motivation have the potential to improve persistence. However, do these links between activity participation and persistence emerge among a broad array of afterschool activities?

Children and adolescents.

Two correlational studies of racially/ethnically diverse children and youth (66%–77% Latine) suggest that participation in high-quality programs and extracurricular activities was associated with young people’s persistence (Gülseven et al., 2024; Vandell et al., 2022). Specifically, these studies report that children and youth who spent most of their time in high-quality afterschool programs and extracurricular activities demonstrated more persistence in the classroom (and larger increases over time) than those who spent substantial time unsupervised, regardless of whether they also spent some time in programs and/or extracurricular activities.

Adolescents.

Two studies examined the associations between OST activities and persistence in adolescence. In a sample of youth, about two-thirds of whom were Black, participation in school-based OST activities in eighth grade was associated with persistence in eighth grade and improvements in persistence from grades 8 to 11 (Fredricks & Eccles, 2008). These longitudinal associations, however, did not emerge for OST recreational programs held in the summer and school year.

One study examined the relations between the quality of an OST program and adolescents’ persistence. Among a sample largely composed of middle school children and youth from low-income (78% eligible for free or reduced-price lunch, 74% youth of color) and majority non-White backgrounds, those who attended high-quality OST programs demonstrated larger gains in their persistence over 1 year than peers who attended lower-quality programs (Kataoka & Vandell, 2013). Of the three components that made up quality, only emotional support provided by staff predicted increases in persistence; positive peer relationships and opportunities for autonomy were not related.

In summary, research suggests that participation in OST activities can help improve young people’s persistence over time, particularly if the activity is high quality; however, the number of studies on these relations is quite small. More work is needed to understand under what circumstances (e.g., for which types of activities, what activity experiences) and for whom participation in these activities might help build persistence.

Sense of Responsibility

One goal of socialization is to help ensure that young people will grow up to be responsible adults. A sense of responsibility starts to develop early on as children and youth take responsibility for their behavior and choices, as well as chores, schoolwork, work, or other tasks they are accountable for. In several studies, parents and youth reported that one benefit of participating in organized afterschool activities was developing a stronger sense of responsibility (Dunn et al., 2003; Dworkin et al., 2003; Hemphill & Richards, 2016; Whitson et al., 2019). These studies included children and youth in grades 6–11. In contrast to the body of research on persistence, much of the existing research on activities and young people’s sense of responsibility is based on qualitative work and describes potential mechanisms by which participating in OST activities might promote young people’s sense of responsibility.

Adolescents.

Organized OST activities might support young people’s developing sense of responsibility through several potential mechanisms. Simply participating in an OST activity puts more demands on one’s time. One study explored how Canadian high school students balanced their activity commitments with the other things they needed to attend to after school, including schoolwork and relationships (Marshall et al., 2014). Another study showed that Black middle schoolers from low-income households felt they had to be more responsible at school so that they met the participation requirements for their activities, such as maintaining passing grades and not missing school the same day as the activity (Hemphill & Richards, 2016). Finally, many activities have requirements, including consistent attendance, being on time, having all the necessary gear, and following the rules established by the activity, which young people from low-income backgrounds and their parents thought helped develop a sense of responsibility (Dunn et al., 2003; Hemphill & Richards, 2016).

Wood et al. (2009) reported that adolescents and staff believe that central to building a youth’s sense of responsibility through OST activities are (a) the specific tasks youth do in OST programs (e.g., finishing tasks for a blood drive or preparing for a team competition) and (b) roles adolescents take on in which they are responsible for aspects of the activity (e.g., being president or overseeing a specific job for a theater production).

For example, leaders have used basketball as a mechanism to teach broader life skills to 9- to 11-year-old Black and Pacific Islander children (Walsh et al., 2010). During each practice session, staff led discussions on responsibility and had the children set goals, take on increasing responsibilities for the team (e.g., leading part of practice to organizing a full practice), and reflect through journaling on their sense of responsibility across contexts.

Importantly, the coaches continuously set new goals as participants successfully completed smaller leadership roles, which provided new opportunities for continued growth.

Salusky et al. (2014) and Wood et al. (2009) report that racially/ethnically diverse adolescents in a range of rural and urban programs felt these types of experiences were more effective when they (a) afforded opportunities for adolescent ownership and agency; (b) balanced adolescent autonomy and structuring the task (e.g., deadlines, ground rules, structured roles); and (c) included clear, high expectations with the needed support and consequences.

Collectively, these reports describe some of the potential strategies that OST staff can use in a range of activities to support development of a sense of responsibility for young people. Although the nature of activities may prompt participants to be more responsible (e.g., ensuring they are on time and have their gear), staff may be able to intentionally develop a sense of responsibility by designing developmentally appropriate tasks and roles that continuously scaffold participants’ development.

Several qualitative studies and one longitudinal correlational quantitative study suggest that (a) young people’s sense of responsibility is the culmination of their experiences in multiple settings and (b) youth believe the influence of activities on their sense of responsibility positively shapes their behavior in other settings, such as home and school (Hemphill & Richards, 2016; Raffaelli et al., 2018; Walsh et al., 2010; Whitson et al., 2019). For example, Black and Pacific Islander middle school students felt that fulfilling their responsibilities in athletic activities, such as being on time and taking care of their equipment, helped them be more responsible at school in terms of their personal school tasks (e.g., turning in their homework more consistently) and by being responsible to their larger school community (e.g., helping others who are lost on their schoolwork, working as a team) without being asked to do these things (Hemphill & Richards, 2016; Walsh et al., 2010). The generalizability of these patterns was assessed in a longitudinal quantitative study of 355 ethnically diverse (37% Latine, 30% Black) 11- to 20-year-olds who attended a range of project-based afterschool activities. Specifically, they found that participants who were more responsible at the activity were also likely to exhibit increased responsibility at home at the next time point, and vice versa (Raffaelli et al., 2018). In other words, the findings suggest that children and youth build and carry their sense of responsibility with them across settings.

Although participation in organized OST activities is related to a stronger sense of responsibility, the effects are larger for certain participants and within particular activities. For example, quantitative data from a mixed-methods study suggest that young people who participated more than 3 hours per week in a music activity demonstrated more responsibility than those who participated less often (Whitson et al., 2019). Another source of variability across adolescents is that some parents help reinforce and hold their child accountable for the responsibilities they have in their

OST activities, which can strengthen the lessons that those activities instill (Dunn et al., 2003; Marshall et al., 2014).

Moreover, some activities may be better positioned than others to develop a sense of responsibility. For example, only 24 out of 108 racially/ethnically diverse adolescents (22%) at a range of rural and urban programs felt their organized activity helped them become more responsible (Wood et al., 2009). Most of the adolescents who felt they developed a stronger sense of responsibility through participation in an OST activity attended 3 out of 11 activities. The work reviewed earlier in this section provides insight into some of the strategies that may address why adolescents felt some activities may be more effective than others.

In summary, qualitative research suggests that adolescents and parents think that one of the benefits of participating in organized OST activities is developing a stronger sense of responsibility. Several experiences and opportunities are associated with developing young people’s sense of responsibility, including giving them developmentally appropriate roles with responsibilities or charging them with tasks they are responsible to complete. Such strategies can be integrated into a variety of activities, which was evident in one study on a sports activity (Walsh et al., 2010). Although one study suggests that adolescents’ responsibility in a program is related to how responsible they are at home and vice versa (Raffaelli et al., 2018), more quantitative studies are needed to examine the generalizability of all these development processes and understand what activities for which youth might be effective (Dunn et al., 2003; Marshall et al., 2014; Wood et al., 2009).

Work Habits

Young people’s work habits (also known as approaches to learning and noncognitive skills) include a young person’s ability to work effectively and efficiently within educational or work settings. Children who have stronger work habits in elementary school are more likely to have higher grades and more advanced courses in high school, as well as more years of schooling by age 26 (Simpkins et al., 2020). Compared with classroom activities, afterschool activities provide more opportunities for adolescents to develop aspects of work habits, such as time management, setting goals, and exerting sustained effort (Hansen et al., 2003). Most studies on activities and work habits are correlational studies that take into account a rigorous set of control variables, including indicators of young people’s prior work habits (Covay & Carbonaro, 2010; Morris, 2016). Researchers have examined these relations across grades 1–12. In several studies, researchers examined the extent to which work habits helped explain the relations between activity participation and youth’s academic outcomes (Carolan, 2018; Morris, 2016).

Children.

Two correlational studies examined how racially/ethnically diverse children (66%–77% Latine) from low-income backgrounds spent their time across multiple OST settings, including afterschool programs, extracurricular activities, and unsupervised time, and then tested whether their work habits varied across these settings (Gülseven et al., 2024; Vandell et al., 2022). Participants who spent most of their time either in a high-quality OST program or at both a high-quality OST program and in other extracurricular activities typically had stronger work habits than children who largely spent their time across extracurricular activities and being unsupervised.

Although these patterns are promising, other findings suggest children’s participation in activities may be associated with their work habits only for certain types of activities and when activity quality is high. In elementary school, diverse children in grades 1–3 had greater gains in work habits (which they labeled “approaches to learning”) when they participated in dance and sports activities compared with other art activities or clubs (Covay & Carbonaro, 2010). In addition to activity type, the quality of the activity is associated with children’s work habits. Results from a study focused on elementary school–aged children from families of diverse social classes (13%–21% of parents had a high school degree or less) suggest that providing a variety of age-appropriate activities was associated with children developing stronger work habits over time, but that positive youth–staff relationships and opportunities for autonomy were not related to changes in work habits (Pierce et al., 2010). Another study found that the closeness and conflict first-grade children experienced with activity staff were not associated with their work habits a year later, once a host of covariates were included (Liu et al., 2020). Moving forward, it will be helpful to consider what developmental experiences in activities are related to children’s work habits.

Adolescents.

Studies on adolescents’ work habits considered the time adolescents spent in activities, the activity type, and activity quality. The associations during adolescence are somewhat mixed. The time sixth-grade participants spent in OST activities was not related to development of their work habits from fifth to ninth grade (Liu et al., 2021). However, data from the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS), a nationally representative dataset with a socioeconomic and racially/ethnically diverse sample of high school students, suggest that students’ work habits (which were labeled noncognitive skills) partially explained the relations between the time 10th graders spent participating in OST and extracurricular activities and changes in their math achievement from 10th to 12th grade and whether they attended a four-year college after high school (Morris, 2016). These relations emerged across a range of high school activities, including academic OST activities, junior varsity and varsity sports, and school clubs (intramural

sports participation improved match achievement but did not predict 4-year college attendance; Morris, 2016). Also, adolescents felt they had comparable opportunities to develop their time management skills and other aspects of work habits across a range of activities (Hansen et al., 2003).

In terms of activity quality, two studies suggest that ratings of the overall quality of middle school students who attended higher-quality OST activities had stronger work habits later on compared with those who attended lower-quality activities (Kataoka & Vandell, 2013; Liu et al., 2021). Though indicators of overall quality were important, the findings for specific dimensions of activity quality were mixed. Kataoka and Vandell (2013), for example, examined three aspects of program quality, including emotional support from adult staff, positive peer relationships, and opportunities for autonomy. Only emotional support from adult staff predicted increases in participants’ work habits (Kataoka & Vandell, 2013).

In sum, these studies suggest that organized OST activities are associated with a young person’s work habits and that these skills can help them excel academically. However, the results suggest that these associations may vary by activity type, quality, and developmental period. More work is needed to understand what developmental experiences within OST activities help strengthen young people’s work habits.

Self-Control and Emotion-Regulation Skills

Being able to control one’s emotions, behaviors, reactions, and impulses is an important life skill. The current research has examined self-control both as a broad construct and as the ability to manage emotions, which is a key aspect of self-control. Adolescents report that organized OST activities offer more opportunities to learn to regulate their emotions compared with classrooms and sometimes friend groups (Dworkin et al., 2003; Hansen et al., 2003; Larson & Brown, 2007; Larson et al., 2006). The opportunities to develop self-control might be more abundant in certain types of OST activities—specifically, greater gains in self-control were reported in faith-based, service, and sport activities than in academic and leadership activities (Hansen et al., 2003; Larson et al., 2006). Our review of the existing research on young people’s participation in organized OST activities and their self-control or management of their emotions is based on three experimental studies and several correlational studies utilizing quantitative and qualitative data.

Children.

Researchers have used experimental designs in two studies to examine whether an activity influenced changes in their self-control later. One study tested an intervention named Siblings Are Special (SIBS), which focused on building positive relationships among fifth-grade children and

one of their younger siblings in second to fourth grade; the intervention used 12 sessions to cover a variety of topics (e.g., fairness, respect, understanding feelings; Feinberg et al., 2013). Children who were randomly selected to participate in the SIBS intervention had higher self-control than children in the control group four weeks after the intervention, even after taking into account participants’ level of self-control before the intervention. A second experiment looked at changes in third- to fifth-grade girls’ self-control after participating in Girls in the Game, a 30-week program with the goal of building girls’ confidence, skills, and strengths through athletics (Bohnert & Ward, 2013). The diverse group of girls (36% Black, 60% Latina), who resided in underserved, urban, low-income communities, were randomly selected into the program. There were no differences between the girls who participated in Girls in the Game in terms of their self-control compared with girls in the control group (Bohnert & Ward, 2013). Thus, the experimental findings are positive for SIBS, but null for Girls in the Game.

Two studies tested the extent to which an OST program could be protective for Latine children from low-income backgrounds who were struggling either academically or socially. In both programs, children were not randomly assigned; rather, they were selected for the program if they were identified as struggling by teachers. Both programs served elementary school children each day after school and focused on a range of activities, including academic tutoring and development of social and emotional skills (e.g., respect, problem-solving). Most of the children (grades 1–6) in the first program, Generacion Diaz, were selected primarily because they were performing below grade level academically, though some were selected because of poor classroom behavior or low parent involvement (Riggs et al., 2010). This study focused on differences among children who attended the program. Among children who had weaker emotional regulation skills when they enrolled, children who attended the program frequently had stronger emotion-regulation skills than children who attended the program less regularly. A second study tested if a program in a community with high poverty levels could help fifth- and sixth-grade Latine children avoid later substance use issues (Morrison et al., 2000). Children were enrolled in the program if they were identified by teachers as having at least three risk factors that are associated with later substance use (e.g., low academic achievement, low-income family, behavior problems, problems with peers). Children with fewer risk factors were placed in the comparison group. There were no significant differences between children in the two groups in terms of their ability to manage their anger (Morrison et al., 2000). Thus, parallel to the experimental studies, the correlational findings concerning programs serving children who are struggling are mixed.

Two studies tested the extent to which children’s relationships with OST staff are related to their self-control, using data from the Study of Early

Childcare and Youth Development by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD). One study found that, while controlling for the quality of children’s relationships with teachers and mothers, the more conflict children experienced with the OST staff, the lower their self-control one year later (Liu et al., 2020). Although this study found that children’s self-control was not related to the closeness they felt to staff, a different study (Wade, 2015) using the same data found that children who felt close to staff had larger increases in their self-control from first to fifth grade. Both studies suggest that children’s relationships with staff matter, but their findings differ about whether closeness or conflict matters.

Adolescents.

In one experimental study among high school students in the After School Matters program in Chicago, adolescents who were randomly assigned to a paid internship program experienced smaller declines in self-regulation skills compared with their peers who were assigned to the control group (Hirsch et al., 2011). In addition, findings from two correlational studies suggest that adolescents who participate in organized activities have stronger self-control than those who do not participate. Using a nationally representative sample of adolescents in special education, researchers examined whether participating in extracurricular activities was associated with self-control (Zebehazy & Smith, 2011). This study included adolescents aged 13–16 with visual impairments; those who participated in extracurricular activities exhibited more mature self-control than those who did not participate. In addition, McMahon et al. (2021) found that adolescents demonstrated stronger emotion-regulation skills after participating in a 6-week yoga program as part a broader OST activity compared with adolescents in the same activity who did not participate in yoga.

Another study used qualitative data to explore what staff behaviors were related to high school adolescents’ regulation of their emotions in a theater program (Larson & Brown, 2007). Several staff practices were identified as ways to support adolescents’ emotion regulation, including staff modeling emotion-regulation skills, helping adolescents talk about and process their emotions, and creating norms around supporting each other and experiencing emotions in the activity. Thus, Larson and Brown (2007) found that relationships with participants, staff behaviors, and the norms and culture they create could shape youth’s emotion regulation.

In summary, research using experimental designs and programs that serve adolescents who are struggling present mixed findings in terms of the extent to which participating in programs is associated with changes in their self-control. Qualitative studies in childhood and adolescence provide some guidance on staff practices that may be associated with adolescents’ emotion-regulation skills, including creating positive norms and having

positive relationships with participants. These results might provide insight into why the findings on participation or time spent in activities are mixed.

Prosocial Behavior

Prosocial behavior includes helping, cooperating with, and being kind to others. Ethnically and racially diverse high schoolers reported that they experienced more prosocial norms (e.g., learning about helping others) and teamwork in organized OST activities than in classrooms and friendship groups (Dworkin et al., 2003; Hansen et al., 2003; Larson et al., 2006). That said, the linkages between activities and a young person’s prosocial behavior are mixed when researchers measure activities simply in terms of whether youth participated in activities or how much time they spent in activities. The research suggests that OST activities have the potential to promote prosocial behavior among diverse young people (Monkman & Proweller, 2016), but that potential depends on activity quality and content, and participants’ experiences in the setting. For an in-depth discussion of this topic, see the review by Zarrett et al. (2021a).

Children.

One RCT in the committee’s review examined the impact of OST activities on prosocial behavior. Specifically, researchers tested if the PAXIS Institute’s Good Behavior Game (PAX GBG) helped improve children’s behavior in an OST setting (Smith et al., 2018). The PAX GBG uses team-based games with group rewards to foster several social and emotional skills, including emotion regulation and cooperation. Randomization occurred at the program level—some programs received training to execute the PAX GBG and other programs did not. After being matched based on geographic location, racial/ethnic composition of participants, and family socioeconomic status, half of the 72 programs were randomly selected to receive the PAX GBG intervention. Children in the programs that received the intervention exhibited more prosocial behavior over time than children in the control group (Smith et al., 2018).

Several correlational studies have examined the links between children’s OST activities and their prosocial behavior. Two correlational studies of racially/ethnically diverse youth (66%–77% Latine) found that young people who participated in high-quality OST programs and extracurricular activities demonstrated more prosocial behavior at school than their peers who spent substantial time unsupervised (Gülseven et al., 2024; Vandell et al., 2022). Three additional studies examined the associations between boys’ participation in Boy Scouts with their kindness and helpfulness. When comparing boys who did and did not attend Boy Scouts (6–11 years of age, 63%–85% White, 9%–18% Black), researchers found no differences

on kindness, but that boys in Scouts were more helpful to others over the next four years compared with their peers who were not in Scouts (Wang et al., 2015). Two additional studies on the same dataset examined the variability among boys who participated in Boy Scouts. They found that differences in the duration and intensity of participation and whether boys also participated in other activities were not associated with their concurrent kindness or how much they helped others (Champine et al., 2016; Lynch et al., 2016). Though boys’ prosocial behavior may not be associated with the amount of time they spent in Boy Scouts, these data suggest that boys’ prosocial behavior may be related to how engaged they were during the meetings and the overall engagement of the group. Specifically, boys who were highly engaged while at Boy Scouts were likely to exhibit more kindness and helpful behavior than were their less engaged scouting peers (Lynch et al., 2016). The effects for kindness were larger if boys were part of a group that had generally high youth engagement. In addition to youth’s engagement, research suggests that the extent to which an activity is associated with children’s prosocial behavior may depend on the content and quality of the activity.

The extent to which participating in an activity is associated with the development of children’s prosocial behavior likely depends on the extent to which the activity emphasizes caring and cooperation among other aspects of prosocial behavior. For example, a small study of elementary school children, many of whom had behavioral or learning disabilities (75%), demonstrates the potential utility of afterschool programs designed to build children’s prosocial behavior (Muscott & O’Brien, 1999). The program was designed to build several social and emotional skills, including responsibility, self-control, cooperation/teamwork, respect, and caring. In qualitative data, the children reported that they learned how to cooperate and get along with others as part of the program (Muscott & O’Brien, 1999).

Other studies suggest that broader aspects of quality are associated with changes in children’s prosocial behavior and collective efficacy (which is the extent to which children feel they can promote good behaviors and diminish negative behaviors in others). Elementary school–aged children (grades 2–5, 24% Black) who attended a general afterschool activity in the Northeast (e.g., Boys & Girls Clubs, YMCA, YWCA) were more likely to demonstrate growth in their prosocial behavior from fall to spring if they felt they belonged at the activity, experienced supportive relationships with staff and peers, received less harsh behavior from staff, or were in activities where staff and children were engaged (Smith et al., 2017). Although fewer associations emerged for the growth in children’s collective efficacy, children were more likely to have strong efficacy collectively when they experienced supportive relationships with peers, higher child engagement, and less harsh behavior from staff compared with their peers.

Adolescents.

Correlational studies with middle schoolers show mixed findings when participants in OST activities are compared with nonparticipants. For example, sixth-grade students from low-income and ethnically marginalized backgrounds who participated in a citywide general OST program in Providence, Rhode Island, exhibited higher prosocial behavior at the end of the year than their peers at school, despite having the same levels of prosocial behavior when starting the program (Kauh, 2011). Helseth and Frazier (2018) developed and implemented a peer-assisted social learning (PASL) model to leverage natural opportunities for peer-mediated problem-solving. Relative to those in the comparison group, middle schoolers in PASL demonstrated stronger social skills and behavior. McMahon et al. (2021) and Vandell et al. (2020) report similarly positive emotional and behavioral outcomes. In contrast, for Hispanic middle schoolers from low-income backgrounds (79%), participating in school-based activities (sport or nonsport) was not related to changes in prosocial behavior between grades 6 and 7 (Villarreal & Gonzalez, 2016). As noted at the outset of this chapter, many young people who are not participating in an activity may participate in a different activity that is equally beneficial, which makes comparisons unclear.

Another reason for the mixed findings could be that activities vary in quality and how much they intentionally focus on prosocial behavior. For example, high school adolescents (26% Black, 8% Asian/Latine/Native American) reported that faith-based and community activities developed stronger prosocial norms than art and sport activities (Hansen et al., 2003). One study (Kataoka & Vandell, 2013) examined changes in prosocial behavior among racially/ethnically diverse middle school students from low-income backgrounds (74% people of color; 78% eligible for free or reduced-price lunch) who attended high-quality general OST programs (where quality was determined by observations and interviews with staff). The study found that middle schoolers who attended higher-quality programs had larger increases in their prosocial behavior with peers over a one-year period compared with peers attending lower-quality programs (Kataoka & Vandell, 2013). When the researchers examined three specific dimensions of quality, they found that emotional support from adult staff was related to children’s prosocial behaviors, but positive relationships with peers in the activity and the number of opportunities for autonomy were not associated with children’s prosocial behaviors.

Several studies discuss athletes’ prosocial behavior on and off the field and the extent to which their prosocial behavior was related to experiences on their sports team. Predictors of how much prosocial behavior young people exhibited while participating included their teammates’ behavior, feeling supported, and individuals’ attitudes. Bolter and Kipp (2018), for instance, found that U.S. athletes aged 10–15 years (14% non-White, 12% from low-income backgrounds) were more likely to exhibit prosocial behavior toward

both their teammates and opponents if they felt a stronger sense of connection with their teammates. The study also examined the role of coaches in promoting prosocial behavior. Results showed that feeling connected to coaches was not related to their concurrent prosocial behavior toward teammates or opponents. However, certain coach behaviors—modeling good sportsmanship, sets expectations for good sportsmanship—were related to athletes’ prosocial behavior (Bolter & Kipp, 2018). Rutten et al. (2008) observed young people in the Netherlands aged 9–19, including 49% ethnic minority, who were largely from lower-income backgrounds. Their results suggest that athletes were more likely to exhibit prosocial behavior on the field if they felt supported by their coach or felt more strongly about the importance of fair play (Rutten et al., 2008). Although athletes’ prosocial behavior on and off the field was strongly correlated, their off-field prosocial behavior was not associated with any indicators of their sports activity, which included attitudes of the athlete or coach, feeling supported by the coach, and the moral climate of the team (Rutten et al., 2008). Finally, a time-diary study of Canadian adolescent hockey players suggests there may be day-to-day fluctuations in athletes’ prosocial behavior (Benson & Bruner, 2018). Athletes were more likely to exhibit prosocial behavior on days when their teammates exhibited more prosocial behavior and less antisocial behavior. Thus, the work suggests that athletes’ prosocial behavior during the activity may vary by teammates’ behavior (Benson & Bruner, 2018; Bolter & Kipp, 2018), the extent to which athletes feel supported by teammates or coaches (though the evidence is mixed; Benson & Bruner, 2018; Bolter & Kipp, 2018), and their attitudes about fair play (Rutten et al., 2008). These indicators, however, did not predict athletes’ prosocial behavior off the field (Rutten et al., 2008).

In summary, the pattern of associations between a young person’s organized OST activities and their prosocial behavior is mixed. Although how much time they spend in activities was not a strong predictor of their prosocial behavior, a study of Boy Scouts shows that the level of children’s engagement during the activity was related to their prosocial behavior (Lynch et al., 2016). Some correlational studies of sports suggest that the extent to which adolescents exhibit prosocial behavior may vary by their teammates’ behavior, feeling supported, and their attitudes about fair play. Though prosocial behavior might happen more often in specific types of OST activities, it might be more fruitful to consider which experiences within activities (e.g., behavioral expectations/norms, relationships) and the extent to which activities highlight prosocial behavior as part of OST programming might be associated with a young person’s prosocial behavior.

Youth Identity and Culture

Scholars have studied whether culturally informed OST that is intentionally attuned to “youth’s culture and everyday lives” might serve to promote positive

youth development, particularly fostering adaptive sociocultural values, positive racial/ethnic identity, and more positive behavioral outcomes (Simpkins et al., 2017, p. 11; see also Brittian Loyd & Williams, 2017; Catalano et al., 2002). OST spaces attuned to culture and contexts can help young people from marginalized backgrounds, who may face interpersonal and societal challenges, thrive in their learning and behavior (Lerner et al., 2021). Research demonstrates that a positive sense of social identity is important to more success and better adaptation (Oyserman et al., 2002; D. Yu et al., 2021).

Cokley (2007) defines ethnic identity as individual feelings, involvement, and sense of belongingness to their cultural background; it generally refers to a sense of shared nationality, language, religion, or culture. Hughes et al. (2006) defines racial identity as referring to a sense of shared experiences based on one’s perceived physiology or race, a concept largely recognized as having more social than epigenetic evidence. Given that the two terms are inextricably related and difficult to separate, this section uses the phrase racial/ethnic identity.

Research and meta-analytical reviews have found that children and youth who feel “happy and proud” about their identity as part of a racial/ethnic group are found to also demonstrate more positive cognitive development, better mental health and socioemotional adjustment, and more effective coping with discrimination (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018; Neblett et al., 2013; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2009; D. Yu et al., 2021; see Box 7-4). Various research methodologies have been used to explore OST programs, and their

results generally support the potential of programs to positively impact both young people’s sense of identity and their positive behavioral outcomes. Results for adolescents and children are explored separately, as identity development is a phenomenon of increasing relevance as young people grow.

Children.

In one of the earliest studies of OST and identity, Cherry et al. (1998) partnered with schools and faith-based institutions in urban communities to implement a comprehensive model of child and family support among 169 Black fifth and sixth graders. The culturally oriented programming was designed to promote shared values of work, responsibility, and a positive sense of racial heritage via a 16-week program, field trips, and other activities. A quasi-experimental design included nonparticipating children in the same or neighboring school. Analyses revealed no baseline differences between the groups before the intervention began, an indicator of some degree of initial similarity between the groups. However, at the conclusion of the program, statistically significant differences were detected—the children who received the intervention exhibited greater cultural knowledge and racial/ethnic identity, in addition to reduced problem behavior and more teacher-reported strengths. This work points to the potential role of community-engaged OST programming for building a positive sense of identity and promoting positive youth development.

Research on OST program quality has found that safe, supportive, and engaging programs can foster positive cultural values (e.g., respect for adults, communalistic values of sharing) and less problem behavior (Smith et al., 2018). In a randomized study of 73 OST programs and 500 elementary-age children, the intervention programs received technical assistance throughout 26 weeks of the academic year to strengthen program processes that have been determined by prior research to be critical—namely, appropriate structure, supportiveness, engagement, and belonging (Durlak et al., 2010; National Research Council & Institute of Medicine, 2002). Higher-quality intervention programs were found to be particularly impactful for Black participants and were related to multiple aspects of positive youth development, including competence (perceived ability to positively influence peers), connection (to the OST program), caring, and (for Black participants specifically) to cultural values of respect for adults. Smith et al. (2017) found that when programs are characterized by more support and engagement, children from a variety of backgrounds have more respect for the adults in leadership; this relation was found to be the strongest among African American participants (Smith et al., 2017). Thus, OST programs demonstrate promising effects upon multiple aspects of culture and positive youth development.

In general, but not without exception, OST programs have shown positive effects on racial/ethnic identity when examined with sufficient rigor.

One study of a culturally centered program that included an emphasis on racism, discrimination, and preparation for bias exhibited reduced racial/ethnic identity for the intervention participants (Lewis et al., 2012). However, research on cultural socialization practices—centering the heritage, accomplishment, and cultural values of a group—has overwhelmingly been associated with positive outcomes (Hughes et al., 2006; Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020). Although the effects of preparation for bias are typically mixed, this process is of overwhelming concern for marginalized parents, who report wanting their children to be equipped and ready to respond appropriately in instances of discrimination, bias, and threats to their personal safety (Hughes et al., 2006; Lewis et al., 2012). While a focus on shared cultural values and a positive sense of cultural heritage can be helpful, OST program providers (as well as parents) need to use developmentally appropriate methods when engaging in programming or discussions aimed at preparing children for discriminatory experiences. As argued by Umaña-Taylor & Hill (2020), strategies for adequately preparing children for discriminatory encounters while protecting their health and well-being is an area deserving of further attention in research and practice (Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020).

Research exploring ways to promote STEM learning has found that culturally informed strategies are important for enhancing motivation for math learning (Yu et al., 2022). In a university-based OST program with 129 Latine middle schoolers, culturally responsive strategies were used to teach math, drawing upon everyday knowledge in their communities, recognizing, valuing, and integrating cultural experiences in ways that support learning and motivation. This mixed-methods study included both quantitative data on the potential effects and qualitative participant perceptions of the critical, impactful elements of the program. In a (presumably one-group) pre–posttest design, participants were found to increase in the perceptions of their math abilities. Importantly, the qualitative data from the children studied highlighted the process by which potential effects were achieved. Participants pointed to the helpfulness of real-life examples, relevant to their cultural backgrounds (Yu et al., 2022):

Yu et al. (2022) go on to say that acknowledging, valuing, and drawing upon the cultural wealth of young people is a strengths-based approach to building math confidence.

Correlational research has also found that feeling connected to supportive OST programs is related to young people’s feelings about and perception of their racial/ethnic group (Augustine et al., 2022). This study drew upon a subsample of 186 Black children ages 7–11 (mean age = 8.44) in 55 OST programs, half of which were serving children from low-income backgrounds (mean of 51.64 free/reduced-price lunch eligibility), participating in a larger study. Children who reported that they felt close to adults and peers in their OST programs also felt “happier and proud” about their racial/ethnic identity and reported less engagement in problem behaviors, including predelinquent behavior and experimentation with substances (Augustine et al., 2022). This work reveals that when OST programs foster a sense of connection, children are likely to feel more positively about their identities and have lower risk for problem behavior and substance use (Augustine et al., 2022).

Varying research methodologies are helpful, even when we cannot necessarily determine whether the effects are indeed causal. For example, in research with young Black and Latinx youth, D. Yu et al. (2021) found that typologies of a positive racial/ethnic identity are related to positive youth development—namely, caring, competence, and connection. In a sample of 234 elementary-age children from low-income and/or marginalized backgrounds (mean age = 8, 77% Black, 23% Latine, nearly half characterized by 45% free/reduced-price lunch eligibility), latent profile analysis was used to examine children’s typologies (D. Yu et al., 2021). Those who reported being proud (high racial/ethnic identity) and high on positive youth development (i.e., a sense of caring for others, self-competence, and a sense of connection to their OST programs) were found to exhibit high levels of academic achievement as measured by standardized test scores (D. Yu et al., 2021). This correlational research finds that associations between positive identities, development, and academic achievement can inform the development of programming that can impact all three important aspects for children.

Adolescents.

OST is recognized as opportune for encouraging young people’s prosocial skills, caring, values, and character. Building a positive sense of cultural heritage in OST programs has been tested as a strategy for reducing risky behavior and substance use among a female-only sample. Culturally oriented programming was the center of an intervention for 59 urban Black middle school girls, with a mean age of 11 (Belgrave et al., 2004). The intervention centered on the cultural values of harmony and purpose, and the prosocial skills of listening and caring. The intervention was analyzed using a rigorous randomized study that included 30 weeks of tutoring and 16 weeks of programming for the intervention group, compared with a tutoring-only condition for the randomized comparison group. Although the analyses detected no significant differences between the groups before

the intervention began, it found statistically significant differences at the conclusion of the programs. The girls who participated in the culturally centered program had stronger racial/ethnic identities, meaning they rejected stereotypical notions of their group, and they reported less relational aggression (e.g., exclusion, spreading rumors) and tended to be more likely to perceive of themselves as a leader among their peers (Belgrave et al., 2004). The study demonstrates that, particularly among middle school girls, OST programs can promote helpful cultural values; foster more positive racial/ethnic identities in the face of discrimination; and encourage more cooperation, sense of community, and leadership (Belgrave et al., 2004).

The impact of culturally informed approaches to OST programming have also been explored in correlational research among Latine children and adolescents (Riggs & Greenberg, 2004; Riggs et al., 2010). In a study with data from Times 1 and 2, nine weeks apart, researchers sought to examine the association of OST participation as reported by participants with program quality, degree of cultural socialization in programming, and levels of family ethnic socialization. The measure of ethnic socialization assessed the degree to which children and youth reported learning “more about my cultural/ethnic background through conversations with other people in the youth program, including staff” and being “free to express my opinion of my ethnic/cultural background while I am in the youth program.” In hierarchical regression analyses, both family- and program-level ethnic socialization were found to be associated with higher levels of ethnic identity at Time 2 among Latino youth and adolescents (Riggs et al., 2010).

At a time when more attention is being given to disciplinary disparities, culturally oriented programming has been explored as an approach for Black boys who are disproportionately at risk for school disciplinary action and potential substance abuse and violence (Gregory & Fergus, 2017). Based upon the cognitive-cultural model, it was hypothesized that engagement in the Imani Rites of Passage (IROP) program with an emphasis on collective values would increase social competency and self-esteem and thereby reduce risk for violence and substance use. The IROP was initially evaluated in 2004 and has been in effect for over 20 years (Whaley & McQueen, 2020). The quasi-experimental design included 60 total youth: 30 were males (mean age 16), 93% of whom had African ancestry, who were referred to the program by school officials; and 30 were comparison youth who were willing to be assessed but did not participate in the intervention, most residing in low-income neighborhoods. Preassessments revealed few intervention/comparison group differences except that the intervention group was 8 months older on average. In comparing pre and post scores, as hypothesized, the intervention youth scored higher on several indices, including a positive racial/ethnic identity, higher self-esteem, and

improved social competence (Whaley & McQueen, 2020). While decreases in risk for violence and substance use were not detected among the youth who received the intervention, these risks significantly increased in those who did not receive the intervention. The results reveal that culturally oriented programming such as IROP can increase a positive sense of group identity, a sense of shared responsibility, and reduce risk for violence and substance use among young Black males from low-income backgrounds (Whaley & McQueen, 2020).

Culturally responsive methods have been integrated with trauma-informed methods to support African refugees in an OST program offered by a university in West Tennessee (Elswick et al., 2022). As described by Elswick et al. (2022), refugee populations are surviving adverse childhood experiences in which they have been intensely and continually exposed to civil unrest, war, extreme poverty, community violence, religious persecution, and unexpected natural disasters; immigrant and refugee children and youth have the challenges of learning new languages, culture, social systems, and contexts while also managing past traumas. The Trauma Healing Club is a 10-week OST program that includes two parent-support sessions and draws upon evidence-based, trauma-informed, cognitive-behavioral strategies that include integrating familiar cultural elements. Elswick et al. (2022) describe how the program used African music and drumming and holistic peer-based mentoring with evidence-based modules on mindfulness, meditation, and relaxation; they found the intervention to be effective in reducing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Analyses of the pre and post data on the 88 participants (51 were male) examined scores on PTSD symptom scales, which had 100% and 85% completion rates, respectively. (Note: The authors do not indicate whether the study was randomized, nor do they reference a comparison group.) Children and youth who participated in the program saw a reduction in PTSD scores, from clinically relevant highs of 25, down to 8 at posttest, on average. The children and youth involved reported that both the intervention and the musicality was important to their development (Elswick et al., 2022):

Elswick et al. (2022) indicated that OST is important in its capacity to use trauma-informed and culturally relevant practices in ways that benefit the mental health of children and youth who are refugees and immigrants.

Collectively, the research on youth identity and culture draws upon a variety of research approaches, including correlational work, quasi-experiments, rigorous randomized designs, and mixed quantitative and

qualitative designs, that describe both effects and processes of how programs might prove helpful. Consistent with the literature on models of racial/ethnic identity and socialization, the evidence on preparing children and youth to face racial and cultural barriers is mixed, and it is often associated with less adaptive social and emotional responses. On the other hand, the research demonstrates that programs in which children and youth feel safe and supported, and that intentionally include culturally informed programming attuned to the contexts of their lives, can result in more positive perceptions of their social identities, values of respect, and cooperation. These results are related to increased caring, connection, and competence; improved academic achievement; and reduced risk for violence and substance use.

Civic Engagement

Individuals, including young people, can make significant contributions to their community and society more broadly by caring and getting involved. Civic engagement includes the ways individuals contribute to their community to make it a better place (Wray-Lake & Abrams, 2020). Youth can get engaged in their community by volunteering; helping people, organizations, and causes; protesting unjust practices or other forms of political involvement; and, when they are of age, voting in elections. Civic engagement has benefits not just for the person engaging in it, but also for the surrounding community. The seeds of civic engagement may be sown in childhood and blossom during adolescence when there is significant development in individuals’ civic behaviors and beliefs (e.g., civic efficacy; Wray-Lake & Abrams, 2020). For example, some Black and Latine adolescents from low-income backgrounds told researchers that their high school civic program “inspired them to be proactive, concerned, and engaged in their communities” (Monkman & Proweller, 2016, p. 190). Recently, scholars have expanded traditional definitions of civic engagement (e.g., volunteering, voting) to include youth activism and organizing, such as adolescents working toward improving the quality of their local schools (Ginwright, 2010; Kirshner, 2015; Kirshner & Ginwright, 2012; Wilson et al., 2023; Wray-Lake & Abrams, 2020).

Several studies have tested whether young people’s participation in OST activities is related to their later civic engagement. The existing studies utilize rigorous longitudinal correlational designs in which researchers controlled for youth factors (e.g., gender, grades), family factors (e.g., socioeconomic status), and prior indicators of civic engagement or beliefs related to civic engagement (for an in-depth review on this topic, see Zarrett et al., 2021a; see also Box 7-5). Given the growth in civic behaviors and beliefs during adolescence, it is not surprising that the existing research focuses on activities and civic engagement in adolescence or adulthood. Some studies report that these relations hold up in the long run—predicting civic engagement

into participants’ 20s or 30s (Barber et al., 2013; Kim & Morgül, 2017; Obradović & Masten, 2007). As evidenced below, the findings are more consistent for volunteering and community service than for political engagement (e.g., Fredricks & Eccles, 2006; Glanville, 1999; Metzger et al., 2018; Smith, 1999). Also, civic-related adolescent activities predicted later civic engagement more consistently than other types of activities, such as sports (e.g., Braddock et al., 2007; Fredricks & Eccles, 2006).

Volunteering and Community Service

One of the central ways individuals can contribute to their community is through volunteering and community service. Several studies have found evidence that organized OST activities, particularly if the activities are civic-related activities, can help promote adolescents’ development around civic engagement into adulthood (Metzger et al., 2018). For instance, young people

who spent time volunteering during middle and high school were more likely to continue to volunteer 1–2 years later (Fredricks & Eccles, 2006; Metzger et al., 2018) and when they reached their 20s and 30s (Barber et al., 2013; Kim & Morgül, 2017). These positive links emerged in large, nationally representative datasets with diverse young people across the United States (Barber et al., 2013; Kim & Morgül, 2017), among rural and urban communities (Metzger et al., 2018), and among samples that were primarily Black (Fredricks & Eccles, 2006). Based on data collected in over 30 states across the United States, participation in community-based programs, such as 4-H, in eighth grade and high school was also associated with later civic engagement (Mueller et al., 2011; Zaff et al., 2011). These findings on civic engagement also emerge when researchers consider overall activity participation. For example, several studies suggest that young people who participated in a larger number of activities or spent more time in activities during middle and high school are more likely to volunteer later on (Fredricks & Eccles, 2006, 2010; Gardner et al., 2008; Hart et al., 2008; Mahoney & Vest, 2012; Metzger et al., 2018; Mueller et al., 2011; Smith, 1999). However, the evidence that participation in non-civic-related activities (e.g., sports participation) predicts volunteering is weak (Fredricks & Eccles, 2006). Finally, there is some evidence based on the NELS that participating in activities over multiple years evidenced stronger associations with volunteering (Gardner et al., 2008). Overall, organized OST activities may help adolescents build civic-related behavioral habits, as well as beliefs about civic engagement that promote continued engagement in their community years down the road, well after their participation in the OST program has ended.

One central question is whether civic engagement that is required will have the same effects as voluntary civic-related activities. Metz and Youniss (2005) conducted a natural experiment in middle- and upper-middle-class communities outside of Boston, where they compared the volunteering of high school students (78% White) before and after the school district implemented a community service graduation requirement. Regardless of whether it was required, participants who volunteered earlier in high school or volunteered over several years had a stronger interest in politics and higher intentions to be involved civically in the future. Although most of the effects were similar across adolescents, having volunteering as a graduation requirement was particularly beneficial for adolescents who were less likely to volunteer early in high school by increasing their intention to vote and volunteer after high school (Metz & Youniss, 2005).

In summary, several correlational studies suggest that participating in activities, particularly if those activities were focused on volunteering or community service, during adolescence is associated with volunteering later in adolescence and early adulthood. These patterns have been replicated across several datasets and various populations defined by race and ethnicity and socioeconomic status, and in both rural and urban communities.

Political Engagement

The flexibility of organized OST activities enables them to help young people learn about and address political issues that concern them (Brown et al., 2018; Park, 2016). With the exception of voting, existing research suggests that some OST activities during adolescence have the potential to be transformative for their sociopolitical development and can support their political engagement right after high school and into their 20s and 30s (Barber et al., 2013; Gardner et al., 2008).

Several researchers have used large datasets to test whether participating in activities is associated with young people’s engagement in political activities (e.g., attending a protest) or voting behavior as adults. Participation in high school civic-related activities was related to adults’ engagement in political activities when tested with nationally representative datasets that included a diverse array of youth across the country (Glanville, 1999; McFarland & Thomas, 2006; Smith, 1999) and among a local sample with approximately 67% Black youth (Fredrick & Eccles, 2006). In addition, four studies using data from the NELS suggest that participating in school- or community-based activities in eighth grade (Frisco et al., 2004) or high school (Braddock et al., 2007; Gardner et al., 2008; Hart et al., 2008) was associated with voting in the local and presidential elections at ages 18 and 20. However, these positive linkages with voting did not replicate in three other national datasets (Glanville, 1999; Kim & Morgül, 2017; Mahoney & Vest, 2012).

More recent, largely qualitative studies describe the potential of activities that focus on activist, political, or climate issues that are of concern for young people (Brown et al., 2018; Carey et al., 2021; Ginwright, 2010; Kennedy et al., 2020; Kirshner, 2015; Park, 2016; Trott, 2020; Wilson et al., 2023). For example, Wilson et al. (2023) describe how program staff helped channel Black adolescents’ frustration and anger about closures and funding challenges in their local schools to learn about educational and political systems, so they could work toward improving the quality and options in their schools. Across these qualitative studies, participants described activities as empowering spaces where adolescents learned about themselves, the issues and concerns of various groups, and political systems in different countries. They enabled young people to think about themselves within multifaceted political systems and the complexity of political decisions. Adolescents reported developing a strong sense of self-efficacy around these issues, such as feeling like they had power to change the current situation (Brown et al., 2018; Carey et al., 2021; Ginwright, 2010; Kennedy et al., 2020; Kirshner, 2015; Park, 2016; Trott, 2020; Wilson et al., 2023).

Though adolescents’ OST activity participation is not consistently associated with their voting behavior, more recent work suggests that OST activities can inspire participants to learn about political issues, and support

confidence to influence these issues. Some studies suggest that the extent to which activities promote participants’ sociopolitical development depends on the extent to which these issues are a core component of the OST program and mission of the activity (Brown et al., 2018; Park, 2016). In addition to content covered in each session, understanding how the activity is structured (e.g., centering youth voice, sharing decision-making [Brown et al., 2018; Park, 2016]) may help illuminate why some activities may be better positioned to promote individuals’ civic engagement.

OUTCOMES FOR ACADEMIC SUCCESS

Several research studies have sought to estimate the effects of OST activities on a young person’s learning outcomes. The studies analyzed the effects of these activities on a range of learning outcomes, including test performance, grades, school attendance, and academic progress. This area of development had the largest number of RCTs and quasi-experimental studies, 11 in total. With some exceptions, the RCTs and quasi-experimental studies note that the OST activities they explored did not have positive effects on test scores or school grades—the academic outcomes most connected to within-classroom experiences. The studies showed that OST activities tend to have more positive effects on other important academic outcomes, such as attendance, high school graduation, and college attendance. In addition to these RCTs, this section also reviews some longitudinal correlational studies on potential long-term associations, as well as qualitative findings to explore potential mechanisms behind these effects.

Overall, the available RCTs demonstrate that OST activities can have important positive effects on participants’ academic outcomes, though positive effects are clearly not a guaranteed outcome (see Box 7-6). OST programs that showed positive effects in these studies were typically intensive, including many hours of participation and targeted programming. The research also shows that even intensive programs rarely have positive effects on test performance or grades. Instead, effective programs tended to benefit participants through increases in school attendance and school progression, which are key outcomes for later success.

Test Scores

Research shows that OST activities can have positive effects on test scores, but most studies that have assessed the effects of OST activities have not found significant results. One exception is Herrera et al. (2013), which demonstrates potential for some OST programs to improve children’s academic test performance. The authors studied the effects of Higher Achievement, an intensive achievement-oriented OST program that provides approximately 650 hours of academic instruction per year, as well as

enrichment activities and targeted, academic mentoring. The study included the five Higher Achievement programs operating in Washington, DC, and Alexandria, Virginia, when the study began, each of which includes approximately 85 participants. Researchers randomly assigned 952 children entering fifth or sixth grade and meeting Higher Achievement’s admission requirements to either the program or comparison group. Herrera et al. (2013) surveyed participants and measured their achievement in reading comprehension and math problem-solving prior to random assignment, as well as one, two, and four years after random assignment; they found no effect of the program on academic achievement after one year but significant positive effects in both subjects after two years. At the four-year follow-up, when about half of the participants were in high school and thus no longer had access to the program, those who had participated in the program continued to have higher math scores than those in the comparison group (Herrera et al., 2013).

In contrast, most of the RCT studies of OST activities do not find significant effects on achievement scores. For example, Garcia et al. (2020) also assessed the effects of Higher Achievement, but in more recent years; unlike Herrera et al. (2013), they found no effects on achievement scores. Similarly, at the elementary school level, James-Burdumy et al. (2007) studied the effects of 21st Century Community Learning Centers (21st CCLC) in 12 school districts and 26 OST centers, at which 2,308 elementary school students who were interested in attending a center were randomly assigned either to the treatment or control group; they found no statistically significant effect on reading test scores. And Roberts et al. (2018) studied the effects of an OST reading intervention for children in grades 3–5 with reading difficulties. All treatment participants received 30 minutes of computer-based instruction plus 30 minutes of small-group tutoring for four to five times per week. The researchers found no statistically significant effect on reading comprehension, and the point estimates were low and both positive and negative (Roberts et al., 2018). This lack of program effects may be due to the program’s high attrition and absenteeism. At the middle school level, Gottfredson et al. (2010) studied the effects of an OST program for middle school students that operated for nine hours per week for 30 weeks and included academic assistance along with a prevention program and recreational activities; they found no significant differences between the treatment and control groups on measures of academic performance. At the high school level, Modestino and Paulsen (2023) used randomized admissions lotteries for youth who applied to the Boston Summer Youth Employment Program (SYEP) to estimate the effect of being selected to participate in the program. SYEP started in the early 1980s and each summer connects approximately 10,000 young people ages 14–24 to local employers. Participants are paid minimum wage, work up to 25 hours per week, and receive 20 hours of job-readiness training. The study found no effect on achievement test scores (Modestino & Paulsen, 2023). Similarly, Avery (2013) studied the College Possible program, which provides a two-year OST program to high school juniors and seniors, including SAT and ACT test preparation services, college admissions and financial aid consulting, and guidance in the transition to college. The study included 238 participants, of which 134 were randomly assigned to the program. The author found little evidence of effects on ACT performance (Avery, 2013).

The lack of consistent positive findings for test scores is not surprising. Tests measure learning across a range of academic content areas, capturing the full school year of learning. Even if OST activities benefit student learning in a specific area in which they are struggling, this area might be only a small part of what the test measures capture. Gains in the area covered by OST activities might not show up as a substantial change in the overall test score. Moreover, many standardized tests measure the performance of

children performing around grade level, and those whose levels of learning are either much lower or much higher than the average for grade level receive much less precise scores. As a result, if OST programs are focused on children and youth whose performance falls far from the mean, gains in these individuals’ test scores might not show up as clearly on a standardized test.

Grades

Studies of OST programs have more positive effects on school grades, but again, results show inconsistent effects across programs. At the elementary school level, the Garcia et al. (2020) study of Higher Achievement found significant positive effects on grades in English, math, and science. While Garcia et al. (2020) did not find positive effects of the Higher Achievement program on test scores or grades one year after the participants applied to the program, they did find positive effects on grades two years after application. At the middle school level, Komisarow (2022) studied StudentU, a 21st CCLC that provides academic programming; healthy meals and snacks; parent/caregiver outreach; coaching, advising, and mentoring; and referrals for children and families to other community services. It serves 50 middle school students in each cohort, starting in sixth grade. The program is oversubscribed and selects participants via lottery, which provides a randomized comparison group for those receiving admission to the program. Rising sixth graders in StudentU attend Summer Academy, an intensive six-week program that aims to improve participants’ academic performance and social and emotional well-being. Following Summer Academy, participants receive 15 hours per week of afterschool programming for 30 weeks during the school year. Those who won the lottery for admissions obtained GPAs early in high school that were approximately 0.16 points higher than those who did not win the lottery (Komisarow, 2022). StudentU had stronger effects on participants with low baseline achievement scores. These participants achieved GPAs that were higher by 0.37 grade points. At the high school level, Modestino and Paulsen’s (2023) study of SYEP finds small but significant positive effects on high school GPA, increasing GPA by 0.13–0.21 points.

Positive effects on grades have not been universal among the programs that researchers have studied. The study by James-Burdumy et al. (2007) of 21st CCLC programs found no statistically significant effect on course grades in math, English, or science for elementary school–age children. At the high school level, the Hirsch et al. (2011) study assessed the effects of After School Matters (ASM), an OST program for high school students in Chicago that provides work experiences somewhat like SYEP, but after school instead of in the summer. ASM offers paid apprenticeship experiences in a wide array of areas, such as technology, arts, and sports.

The authors studied 535 youth randomly assigned to participate in an apprenticeship and found no significant effects of the program on school grades, though the lack of effects could be because the vast majority of the control group (91%) participated in another organized afterschool activity (primarily) or paid work (James-Burdumy et al., 2007).

School Attendance

Some studies have demonstrated that OST programs can have beneficial effects on attendance. At the high school level, for example, Modestino and Paulsen (2023) found that lottery winners for the Boston SYEP had higher school attendance. However, not all studies found positive effects. At the middle school level, Gottfredson et al. (2010) studied a program that provided nine hours per week for 30 weeks of academic assistance, along with a prevention program and recreational activities as mentioned above; they found no significant differences between the treatment and control groups on measures of school attendance, conduct problems, prosocial/antidrug attitudes, social competence, school bonding, or positive peer influence. At the high school level, the Hirsch et al. (2011) study of ASM found no significant effects of the program on school attendance or on marketable job skills; while they did find indications that the program affected self-reported identification with school, behavioral problems, and self-regulation, they did not find effects on four other self-reported measures of positive youth development. Theodos et al. (2017) studied the High School Internship Program of the Urban Alliance; they found no effects on a wide range of outcomes, including being suspended during senior year, chronic absenteeism, taking the SAT or ACT, and filling out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid.

A number of dissertations analyzing the association between OST programs and attendance rates have been completed in recent years, indicating an increasing interest that will hopefully generate impactful work in this area of study (Agnew, 2019; Carr, 2021; Kelepolo, 2011; Nelson-Johnson, 2007; Nesbit, 2015). Many of these dissertations have focused on children and youth from marginalized backgrounds (Hinojosa, 2018; Holloway, 2017; Lanford, 2019; Nguyen, 2007; O’Brien, 2017), which will allow researchers to gain a greater understanding of the ways in which OST programs impact these populations.

Graduation and Educational Attainment

Programs also have demonstrated positive effects on participants’ progression through school (Mahoney & Vest, 2012). At the middle school level, Komisarow (2022) found that children who won the lottery for

admissions to StudentU accumulated 0.45 more credits by the end of ninth grade, and the effects were larger for those with low baseline achievement scores, who accumulated 0.82 more course credits. Similarly, at the high school level, Avery (2013) found that the College Possible program increased initial enrollment at four-year colleges by more than 15 percentage points, though not college enrollment overall. And Modestino and Paulsen (2023) found that lottery winners for the Boston SYEP were 4.4 percentage points more likely to graduate from high school on time and 2.5 percentage points less likely to drop out of high school during the four years after participating in the program relative to the control group. Survey data suggest that the Boston SYEP may affect academic outcomes by increasing aspirations to attend college, gaining basic work habits, and improving social skills during the summer. Similarly, the Theodos et al. (2017) study assessed the effects of the High School Internship Program of the Urban Alliance, which provides training, mentoring, and work experience to high school seniors in Washington, DC; Baltimore, Maryland; Northern Virginia; and Chicago, Illinois. The program targets seniors in high school at risk of not transitioning to further education or meaningful work and includes a paid internship in an office setting, soft and hard skills job training, and coaching. While Theodos et al. (2017) did not find effects for the full sample, they did find positive effects for males on a range of outcomes, including graduating from high school, attending college, completing two years of college, attaining a two-year degree, and attending a college with higher SAT scoring students; however, they also found negative effects on holding a postprogram job and employment in the first year.

Other researchers have posited that an individual’s educational progression can be impacted by the relationships they form within OST programs, as opposed to programs themselves. For example, Viau et al. (2015) explained that organized activities are likely to provide young people with increased social capital, or positive social relationships that can provide a variety of positive developmental outcomes for children and youth. They point out that strong relationships with peers and supportive adults can result in better educational attainment, among other positive outcomes. Viau and Poulin (2015) conducted a later study that found no significant difference between the activity groups regarding educational status, though they suggest that this could be due to a variety of factors, such as stricter analyses. Martin et al. (2015) indicated that for economically disadvantaged young men, positive family relationships predicted involvement in activities that promoted educational attainment in adulthood.

Some qualitative research has yielded examples of potential mechanisms for increasing educational attainment. After being identified as a school “in need of improvement,” one high school implemented an evening school program to reduce suspension, failure, and dropout rates (Kamrath, 2019). In its first year, the program graduated 100% of the student participants,

all of whom were in danger of dropping or failing out of school. One teacher explained, “Some kids have a lot of trouble acclimating themselves in a large classroom because they have difficulties with other students. And here they can work by themselves or with the aid of a teacher so some students really kind of enjoy it once they get in here for a few days” (Kamrath, 2019, p. 157). In a sports-based program studied by Fuller et al. (2013), participants were able to have valuable downtime with program staff they respected, engaging in discussions about college and their futures. When interviewed, one student told researchers, “I changed my mind. I do want to go to college now” (Fuller et al., 2013, p. 477).

Additionally, many non-RCT studies have assessed the relationship between OST programs and academic outcomes, including domain-specific programs that focus on skill-building outcomes in specific areas of interest (Box 7-7). These studies show positive relationships across a range of outcomes. For example, Provenzano et al. (2020) evaluated an El Sistema–inspired OST music education program to determine its impact on social, educational, and developmental health outcomes for 93 fifth-grade children in a racially/ethnically diverse, low-income elementary school in Ann Arbor, Michigan. They found significant changes in participants’ perception of their music-making ability and in their connection to other children through pre- and posttests (Provenzano et al., 2020). Participants also noted an enhanced sense of school pride and broader community recognition. Similarly, an evaluation of Washington State’s 21st CCLC program, which involved children in grades 4–12, compared them with a set of children matched on observable characteristics; Naftzger et al. (2015) found small, but negative associations between program participation and the rate of unexcused absences and disciplinary events.

Additionally, Haghighat and Knifsend (2019), Henry (2011), Palmer et al. (2017), Lleras (2008), and many others have utilized datasets such as the NELS and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. Most of these researchers were able to observe some positive, statistically significant associations between program participation and educational attainment in late adolescence and early adulthood, showing the importance of longitudinal data collection in this area of study.

Longitudinal studies may be more likely to find positive relationships because they assess OST programs that are of higher quality than those assessed by RCTs or because they do not fully adjust for factors outside of the program analyzed and, as a result, do not accurately estimate the size of the effects. For example, in the Naftzger et al. (2015) study, participants were screened on having stayed in the program for a period of at least 30 (or 60) days, suggesting self-selection not just in who participates but in who sticks with it, which may in turn explain the small positive impacts found. As a result, the committee has chosen to rely on the results from well-powered RCTs in identifying effects.

OUTCOMES FOR VIOLENCE PREVENTION, SUBSTANCE USE PREVENTION, AND MITIGATION OF OTHER RISK BEHAVIORS

Historically, one goal of OST activities has been to supervise young people and prevent them from engaging in violence, substance use, or other risky behaviors (Halpern, 2003). Violence and substance use prevention and the mitigation of other risk behaviors have not only individual sequelae but community-level consequences as well. A review of 13 experimental studies across multiple city programs found that these programs consistently reduced involvement in the criminal justice system and led to improvements in a range of positive youth development outcomes (Li & Jackson-Spieker, 2022). A number of studies measure violence perpetration or victimization, substance use, and other risk behaviors as outcomes with respect to OST activities (see Box 7-8).

Children.

Though the bulk of the research exploring the relations between OST program participation and prevention of violence or harm focuses on adolescents, a few studies have been conducted with elementary school children. An evaluation of the LA’s BEST OST program concluded that participants had lower juvenile crime rates compared with children who did not participate; comparison children were matched to the participants based on several characteristics and behavioral indicators (Huang et al., 2014). However, another study found less-promising results: Staecker et al. (2015) relied on a pre- and post-comparison to study third to fifth grade students who participated in an OST violence prevention program. They found no change postintervention on a variety of bullying and other problem behavior measures (Staecker et al., 2015).

One study sought to evaluate the U.S. Department of Education’s (2014) 21st CLCCs program and found that for elementary school students (boys in particular), participation increased problem behavior; for middle schoolers the evidence was weaker but still negative for some outcomes (James-Burdumy et al., 2007). The authors speculate that there may be three mechanisms through which OST programs increase problematic behavior during school hours: (1) Children and youth may act out more in school because they are fatigued due to the extra hours spent at school in the OST program. (2) There may be negative peer influence in the OST settings. Dishion and Dodge (2006) describe ways in which groups of deviant adolescents can encourage and reward problem behaviors, unbeknownst to staff. Having mixed groups of youth with higher levels of achievement and better behavior would be preferable. This phenomenon is particularly of concern in programs with less supervision of OST spaces (Mahoney et al., 2004). (3) The disciplinary standards may be lower in OST settings, causing a spillover effect during school hours. James-Burdumy et al. (2007) find some evidence supporting the notion that the standards of behavior are different in the OST programs, but they cannot rule in or out any of the three possibilities. While some OST programs are staffed by educators, many are staffed by paraprofessionals and youth workers who need training in effective behavioral management and supporting shared behavioral norms that discourage acting out (Vandell & Lao, 2016).

Some OST programs have also focused on the reduction of alcohol or other substance use among children (Morrison et al., 2000; Ross et al., 1992), with mixed results. For example, Morrison et al. (2000) studied the effectiveness of OST programming and parent education and support as a prevention approach for youth who are at risk for substance abuse compared with classmates who are at lower risk. Young people who participated in the OST program demonstrated an increase in or maintenance of key resilience factors, such as bonding to school, parent supervision, and

teacher-rated behavior, but not a decrease in reported substance use (Morrison et al., 2000). Furthermore, in a pre- to posttest evaluation, St. Pierre et al. (2001) studied the effectiveness of a multicomponent OST substance abuse prevention program (Stay SMART) for second- and third-grade children who had high risks. The program was designed to reduce risk factors known to predict later substance abuse and to bolster protective factors shown to mitigate risk. Improvements included children’s competencies to solve peer and school problems and their refusals to engage in high-risk behaviors (St. Pierre et al., 2001). Overall, the lack of studies in this area focused on children shows that there is still a great need for further research.

Adolescents.

Many studies have investigated a potential association between OST program participation and decreases in violent behavior, with mixed results. An evaluation of the All Stars OST program included 447 middle school students who were randomly assigned to participate in the year-long program or to a control group; the researchers found no effects of the 14 lessons intended to reduce violence, bullying, and other behaviors (Gottfredson et al., 2010). In a follow-up evaluation of the All Stars program, Rorie et al. (2011) found that as program structure increased, violent behavior declined, although violent talk such as threats increased (p. 105). However, Gottfredson et al. (2010) noted that their sample differed from other evaluations of the All Stars program, containing a much lower percentage of White participants and higher numbers of male participants and individuals from low-income households. The authors posited that their mixed findings may be due to the All Stars program being a poor fit for their sample; Rorie et al. (2011) used the same sample, so it is possible to apply the previous theory to their findings.

As described in previous sections, Hirsch et al. (2011) evaluated After School Matters (ASM)—a Chicago OST apprenticeship program for high school students—using randomization to treatment or control groups. They found that when considering all participants from the sample, regardless of program completion, those assigned to program participation experienced a smaller rise on a problem behavior index than those in the control group did. The two items that showed significant differences between the groups were “selling drugs” and “participating in gang activity,” suggesting that assignment to the program had a preventive impact. When analyzing only those participants who completed the program, researchers found that the treatment group still reported selling drugs significantly less than the control group (Hirsch et al., 2011).

In some cases, researchers were not able to directly trace results back to program participation. For example, Fit2Lead is a park-based OST internship program in Miami-Dade County, Florida, focusing on violence prevention. D’Agostino et al. (2019, 2020) evaluated Fit2Lead using a

difference-in-differences approach against matched zip codes that did not have this program implemented. Areas where Fit2Lead was implemented showed lower youth arrest rates post-treatment, suggesting that there may be an effect, though there may be residual differences between the treated and nontreated areas and/or spillover effects (D’Agostino et al., 2019, 2020).

Many researchers have also theorized that social relationships, with both peers and adults, can impact the effects of programs on violent behavior in youth. Denault and Poulin (2008) conducted a study of adolescents on their involvement with extracurricular activities and found that activity peer-group integration and activity leader support were significant when interacting with gender: they observed that the more boys perceived they were socially integrated in the activity peer group, the greater their problem behaviors were, but the more they perceived support from the activity leader, the lesser their problem behaviors were (Denault & Poulin, 2008). In another study on the social context of youth participation, Denault and Poulin (2012) found that when peers in organized youth groups were perceived to have high levels of “deviancy,” participants’ likelihood of engaging in problem behaviors increased. Crean (2012) analyzed cross-sectional data on urban middle schoolers and found that breadth of involvement in extracurricular activities had an indirect effect on reduced “delinquent behavior” related to decision-making skills, but the intensity of participation had a direct “delinquency-enhancing” effect. The researchers theorized that since not all participants form productive relationships with their program leaders, they may spend more time with other youth in their activities in a way that leads to negative social influence and further exacerbation of existing behavioral issues (Crean, 2012).

Finally, a study of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health; Jiang & Peterson, 2012) found that the associations of extracurricular activity participation with violence depended on immigration status. They found that for nonimmigrant (i.e., third-plus-generation) U.S. adolescents, involvement in sports and/or nonsports extracurricular activities was associated with a lower likelihood of involvement with violence, but that for immigrant (i.e. first- or second-generation) youth, that relationship was flipped (Jiang & Peterson, 2012). Overall, findings of studies that focus on adolescents are mixed, though researchers have posited several theories that merit further study to pin down the causes of these wide-ranging results.

Several studies have also focused on substance use as a main outcome of interest. For example, Agans et al. (2014) analyzed data from the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development that spanned 6 years. They found that changes in an adolescents’ breadth of activity participation were associated with “increased substance use, depression, and risk behaviors” relative to their peers who maintained a consistently high likelihood of participation (Agans et al., 2014, p. 919). They also found that consistent placement in the high-participation group was associated with lower levels of substance

use in the final year of the study (12th grade) compared with those who were consistently assigned to the low-participation group, though findings for other risk or problem behaviors were more mixed (Agans et al., 2014).

D’Amico et al. (2012) conducted a cluster RCT with 9,500 diverse participants from 16 middle schools to evaluate CHOICE—a voluntary OST program for younger adolescents that was found to reduce both individual- and school-level alcohol use in a previous pilot study. Students at the eight schools that received the CHOICE program were less likely to initiate alcohol use during the academic year compared with students at the eight control schools (D’Amico et al., 2012).

Other studies report similar findings: substance abuse and other risk-taking behaviors change depending on how a young person spends their time outside school, and organized activities can often serve as a deterrent for engaging in risky behaviors (Hsieh et al., 2023; Lee & Vandell, 2015; Metzger et al., 2011; Moilanen et al., 2014; Schinke et al., 1988; Tebes et al., 2007).

Sexual health–oriented OST programs for children and youth from marginalized backgrounds have also been studied. Kaufman et al. (2018) assessed the effectiveness of a culturally centered, multimedia, sexual risk–reduction intervention known as the Circle of Life, aimed to increase knowledge and self-efficacy among Native American and Alaska Native youth. The research team partnered with Native Boys & Girls Clubs in 15 communities across six Northern Plains reservations and conducted a cluster RCT among 10- to 12-year-olds (N = 167; mean age = 11.2). Each club was randomly assigned to intervention or the attention-control program, After-School Science Plus. Kaufman et al. (2018) found that, compared with the control group, youth in the intervention scored significantly higher on knowledge questions about HIV and sexually transmitted diseases at both follow-ups. In addition, self-efficacy to avoid peer pressure and self-efficacy to avoid sex were significantly higher at posttest, and self-perceived volition (standing up for personal beliefs) was significantly higher at 9-month follow-up. There were no differences between groups in terms of behavioral precursors to sex (Kaufman et al., 2018).

In sum, the relationship between OST program participation and prevention of violence, substance abuse, and/or other risk behaviors is mixed, as varied as the programs themselves, the mitigating variables in the studies (e.g., depth and breadth of participation, skill development, peer influence), and the outcomes discussed in this chapter.

OUTCOMES FOR PHYSICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH

Many afterschool activities focus on or have components where they focus on young people’s physical and/or mental health (see Box 7-9). Most research on young people’s physical health suggests that activities, particularly

activities focused on physical activities, are associated with better fitness, body mass indices, and eating habits. Relative to the work on physical health, there is less research testing the associations between young people’s activities and their mental health, including depression and anxiety. Some preliminary findings suggest that participating in OST activities is positively related to young people’s mental health, though more work is needed in this area.

Physical Health

Only a few systematic literature reviews and/or meta-analyses have been conducted to date to examine the impact of OST programs on physical health outcomes. A review by Pate and O’Neil (2009) reported mixed

findings about the effectiveness of OST interventions aimed at increasing physical activity.

Beets et al. (2009) conducted a systematic review of the literature to identify studies focused on promoting physical activity for children and adolescents, either as a stand-alone intervention or as one part of a multicomponent intervention (e.g., nutrition and physical activity) during afterschool hours in the school setting. Program outcomes included physical activity, physical fitness, body composition, blood lipids, psychosocial constructs, and sedentary activities. Beets et al. (2009) concluded that OST programs that include a physical activity component may be effective in improving outcomes of interest for children and youth, including physical activity levels, physical fitness, body composition, and blood lipid profiles with only the psychosocial domain (i.e., self-esteem, depression) demonstrating a nonpositive effect size. However, several limitations were noted.

A more recent systematic review and meta-analysis by Mears and Jago (2016) concluded that, although OST programs provide an excellent place to engage children in physical activity, the evidence supporting their effectiveness has been inconsistent. The primary goal of this study was to examine the effectiveness of afterschool interventions at increasing participants’ moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) levels. Mears and Jago (2016) found considerable variation in the effectiveness of OST physical activity programs and activities based on when data were collected (mid- versus postintervention), and for particular groups (boys and children with obesity). These findings may suggest that programs need to be tailored to suit the needs of particular subgroups.

Children.

RCTs conducted with younger children found somewhat mixed but generally modest positive results. For example, Beets et al. (2016) determined the impact of the Strategies-To-Enhance-Practice (STEPs) intervention, focused on incorporating MVPA in the daily schedule of elementary school–aged children, as well as training staff and leaders and providing ongoing technical support and assistance. Using a group RCT, 20 afterschool programs serving about 1,700 children (ages 6–12) per year in one southeastern state were randomized to either an immediate or delayed intervention group. Beets et al. (2016) concluded that STEPs had an impact on children’s MVPA and time spent being sedentary but was unable to fully achieve the goal of all children reaching 30 minutes of MVPA per day.

Likewise, Dzewaltowski et al. (2010) implemented and evaluated the HOP’N project for 715 fourth graders and 246 third- and fourth-grade afterschool program participants. Schools and their afterschool programs were randomized to either the control group or the HOP’N program (daily physical activity for 30 minutes following a healthful snack daily, and a weekly nutrition and physical program), and then evaluated for two subsequent years.

Although no changes in body mass index (BMI) z-scores were seen, children with obesity or overweight attending HOP’N performed more MVPA per day after the intervention than did children with obesity or overweight in the control group. The active recreation program time at HOP’N sites was also significantly greater than at control sites (Dzewaltowski et al., 2010).

Similarly, de Heer et al. (2011) examined the effectiveness of a health promotion OST program for Hispanic elementary school–aged children in six schools in El Paso, Texas; the children were randomized to intervention or control classrooms, with intervention classrooms also including a “spillover” group who completed surveys and measurements but did not participate in the intervention. The intervention was a 12-week, culturally tailored afterschool program that included modules on healthy eating, exercise, diabetes, and self-esteem, followed by 45–60 minutes of physical activity. The study found that intervention exposure significantly predicted lower BMI, higher aerobic capacity, and greater intentions to eat healthy (de Heer et al., 2011). In addition, intervention effectiveness increased when there were greater proportions of participants in a classroom. Interestingly, nonparticipants who were in the classroom with program participants also experienced health improvements that could decrease their risk for obesity.

Finally, Landry et al. (2019) studied the association between changes in cooking and gardening behaviors with changes in dietary intake and obesity in participants of an afterschool 12-week, randomized controlled intervention called LA Sprouts that was conducted in four elementary schools in Los Angeles, California, with mostly Latine children. The study found no differences in changes in cooking and gardening psychosocial behaviors, or association of BMI z-score or waist circumference between intervention and control groups (Landry et al., 2019). However, increases in cooking behaviors significantly predicted increased intake of dietary fiber and vegetables.

Additionally, several studies of a quasi-experimental design or another type of pre–post intervention design report generally positive results. Davis et al. (2011), Gatto et al. (2012), Marttinen et al. (2020), Matvienko and Ahrabi-Fard (2010), and Perman et al. (2008) all found that the elementary school–aged children who participated in these programs improved in areas such as fitness levels, healthy eating choices, motor skills, and BMI.

Adolescents.

At least three RCTs conducted with adolescents found positive results for physical health effects of programs. Specifically, Mabli et al. (2020) conducted an RCT on Healthy Harlem’s Get Fit Program—a 12-week afterschool intervention program in the Harlem Children’s Zone aimed at helping 436 middle and high school students improve physical activity and eating habits to impact BMI and weight status. Participants randomized to receive the Get Fit intervention experienced a significant decrease in BMI z-score, as compared to the control group (Mabli et al.,

2020). Similarly, Zarrett et al. (2021b) conducted an RCT to test an innovative 10-week social climate–based intervention called Connect through PLAY to increase MVPA in underserved middle school youth. Controlling for baseline levels of MVPA, school, gender, and weight status, the research team found that participation in the intervention (vs. control) was associated with an increase of daily accelerometry-measured MVPA at postintervention and that the results support social motivationally supportive environments for increasing MVPA in underserved youth (Zarrett et al., 2021b). Finally, in a cluster RCT, Muzaffar et al. (2019) evaluated the afterschool program Peer-education About Weight Steadiness Club, which is delivered by peer or adult educators and seeks to improve physical activity, food choices, and factors related to healthy eating in a 12-session intervention; it seeks to address mediators of behavior change related to cooking skills, food intake, and physical activity. The research team found that adolescents in the peer-led group significantly improved whole grain intake immediately and at six months postintervention. Both peer- and adult-led groups had significant reductions in caloric intake at 6 months postintervention. The adult-led group (only) improved self-efficacy and social/family support for healthy eating immediately and at 6 months postintervention (Muzaffar et al., 2019).

Afterschool physical activity programs have also reported positive cognitive changes. For example, Logan et al. (2021) and Staiano et al. (2013) reported improvements in cognitive processing and task performance, as well as greater self-efficacy and peer support, respectively, in their physical activity interventions.

Other RCT studies have had only short-term or no effects. For example, Wilson et al. (2011) conducted the Active by Choice Today school-based RCT for increasing MVPA in over 1,500 adolescents from low-income and marginalized backgrounds in either a 17-week intervention or comparison afterschool program. The study tested the efficacy of a motivational-plus-behavioral skills intervention on increasing MVPA. The youth in the intervention group demonstrated a significant increase in MVPA at midintervention compared with the control group, but the intervention effects were not sustained at two weeks postintervention (Wilson et al., 2011). Furthermore, Robbins et al. (2019) evaluated the impact of a 17-week Girls on the Move intervention on increasing MVPA among 1,519 fifth- to eighth-grade girls from racially diverse public schools in urban, underserved areas of the midwestern United States. The research team found no between-group differences for weighted mean minutes of MVPA per week at postintervention or nine-month follow-up. Robbins et al. (2019) concluded that interventions may need to be implemented in multiple contexts, such as school and home environments, to see a synergistic impact on MVPA, and that more research is needed to develop interventions specifically tailored for girls.

A number of quasi-experimental studies have evaluated OST programs focused on physical health. For example, Lightner et al. (2023) found that the OST physical activity intervention they studied, in which underserved youth in the Midwest were able to participate in “equipment-based sports, dance, yoga, and team games,” was associated with participants engaging in more MVPA, gaining improved physical literacy, and decreasing their BMI. Additionally, Rieder et al. (2021) found that among youth who participated in a weight management program involving leadership sessions and physical activity, 44% of participants with a BMI at or over the 85th percentile maintained or decreased their BMI; they also observed that participants generally made healthier eating choices.

Some correlational studies in this area shed light on reasons why youth continue to attend programs. In a study by Whalen et al. (2016) on inner-city students’ motivations for attending physical activity clubs, participants not only reported wanting to look good for events such as prom, but also described family health concerns. One student explained, “The first thing that made me start coming to the club is because obesity runs in my family—everyone in my family is overweight, and I don’t want to be like them” (Whalen et al., 2016, p. 646). Most participants who regularly attended the physical activity clubs described enjoying noncompetitive activities and the judgment-free environment (Whalen et al., 2016). In another study of a peer-to-peer theater-based sexual education program, participants identified social support as important for their engagement (Kim et al., 2019). Youth participating in the program identified the ways in which their relationships with the adults supporting them built morale within the group, deepened their understanding of sexual health, and provided valuable role models and support systems (Kim et al., 2019).

One correlational study reported results of a program being felt beyond the participants to influence their families. A study by Fuller et al. (2013) focused on a fitness and health program for middle school boys; the majority of participants reported applying their healthy eating knowledge at home, both making better choices and encouraging family members to do the same. A few participants were able to report positive changes in their parents’ grocery shopping habits afterward (Fuller et al., 2013).

Finally, several longitudinal studies have found modest positive associations between OST programs and physical health outcomes longer term. Linver et al. (2009), London and Gurantz (2013), Lytle et al. (2009), and Mahoney et al. (2005) found that children and youth who participated in a physical activity–focused program modestly improved their likelihood of maintaining their physical activity levels in the future. Lytle et al. (2009) noted, however, that outside relationships and transportation difficulties tended to mediate the levels of physical activity, especially for girls in their study. Linver et al. (2009) found that children and youth who participated

in sports alone reported more positive outcomes than those who were not involved in activities, but those who participated in sports and other activities had the best outcomes of all. However, it should be noted that these results may reflect differential selection into participation by young people who have different underlying health trajectories and behaviors.

In conclusion, OST programs that include a physical health component have demonstrated somewhat mixed results, but some studies have demonstrated effectiveness in improving the physical outcomes of interest for children and youth. Several limitations to the current studies have been noted and include the heterogeneity of the programming and target audiences, as well as limited detail provided about the research design and types of intervention activities. Clearly, school-level randomization and multiple assessments are necessary to better understand the effectiveness of OST interventions (Beets et al., 2009). Also, very little information has been presented in most studies about the developmentally appropriate nature of the activities, the variety of activities, the content and frequency of trainings, and staff perceptions of the programs. Finally, future studies need to provide more comprehensive assessments of physical activity and the utility of a physical activity program to promote activity both within and outside of the program.

Mental Health

Overall, there is relatively little concrete evidence about how OST programs relate to the mental health of children and youth, especially pertaining to internalizing behaviors such as depression and anxiety. Yet, there is some indirect indication that OST programs might impact outcomes that relate to mental health. For example, studies described in other sections of this chapter (Agans et al., 2014; D’Agostino et al., 2020; Elswick et al., 2022) included social, emotional, and behavioral outcomes, and the programs under study demonstrated favorable effects in the domains of problem behaviors, positive youth development, relationships, and beliefs, which could be correlated with mental health outcomes (Onyeka et al., 2021).

In addition, some physical activity studies have included cognitive and psychological outcomes and found mixed, but positive, associations. For example, Hillman et al. (2014) and Williams et al. (2019) conducted studies on physical activity OST programs and found improvements in cognitive function (inhibition, cognitive flexibility) and mental health (quality of life, depression, and self-worth). Other studies, such as Lee et al. (2020), which focused on motor skills, reported no significant changes in cognitive function but did see changes in fundamental motor skills and MVPA between the intervention and control group over time.

Some qualitative work has been completed in this area, providing researchers with self-report and interview data that hint at mechanisms for change. For example, in a study discussing the Trauma Healing Club, as previously discussed in the report, researchers continued to adapt the intervention as the program continued based on responses from participants, which led to a variety of positive anecdotal responses (Elswick et al., 2022). These responses led the researchers to conclude that the club was successful in developing participants’ healthy coping skills, while also helping to decrease self-reported PTSD symptoms (Elswick et al., 2022). Other programs have received similar positive feedback from participants, such as a Harlem-based mindfulness program with many benefits identified by participants. One student reported, “When I do something bad at school and I come home from school and I get in trouble, I go to my room and instead of punching something I take a deep breath” (Krebs et al., 2022, p. 8). Other participants also shared examples of times they were able to breathe and think before reacting in order to manage stressful situations (Krebs et al., 2022).

In a review of more recent studies, Christensen et al. (2023) examined the overall effects of OST programs on internalizing, externalizing, school-related, social functioning, and self-identity outcomes among children and adolescents in grades K–12 with marginalized identities (including children and youth of color and from underserved backgrounds) across 56 studies. Results indicated that OST programs have a small, yet significant positive overall effect on the outcomes studied (Christensen et al., 2023). Clearly, few individual studies and meta-analyses to date have examined OST program psychosocial outcomes, such as psychological distress and specific internalizing mental health symptoms, including anxiety and depression (Ciocanel et al., 2017). There is a great need for future research in this area.

OUTCOMES FOR FAMILY AND PEER RELATIONSHIPS

In order to understand how family members and peers fit into the greater OST ecosystem and affect outcomes for children in OST activities, it is important to consider these influences from a systems perspective. Families are composed of both individual members and multiple interdependent subsystems, such as parent–child, parent–parent, and child–sibling relationships (Bowen, 1978; Simpkins et al., 2019). Applying a systems perspective, children’s activities are shaped by the interactions between these various subsystems. For example, informal interactions—families supporting a local sports team (Kremer-Sadlik & Kim, 2007) or participating in an activity together (Simpkins et al., 2011, 2019)—can thus spark children’s interest in entering a formal program. In the context of peer systems, high-quality

organized OST activities and supportive relationships with peers support adolescents’ positive development both academically and interpersonally (Fredricks & Simpkins, 2013). Youth who are disconnected from OST activities and friendships are at greater risk for delinquency, depression, and substance use (Fredricks & Simpkins, 2013; Mahoney et al., 2009; Vitaro et al., 2009). This section of the report examines correlational studies examining how both family and peer relationships affect outcomes of OST programs and activities; see also Box 7-10.

Families

According to the Global Family Research Project,

Other researchers have observed similar benefits. Raffaelli et al. (2018) described “reciprocal pathways” between school and home, allowing young people to improve their sense of responsibility during their OST programs and see similar benefits at home. Siblings also play a role in youth activities. OST programs often include activities that are interests for siblings, and their ability to participate in the same or same kind of programs enables them to influence each other in a way parents cannot. For example, older siblings will typically gain experience with OST activities before passing that knowledge on to their younger siblings (Simpkins et al., 2019).

Children.

Research on the effects of OST activities on family relationships is mixed. Dorsch et al. (2015) found that when their children participated in sports, parents gained something to talk about with their children, spent more time together as a family, and allowed them to interact more with other families in their community. However, Weiss and Fretwell (2005) reported more conflict: they interviewed six fathers who coached their 11- and 12-year-old sons’ soccer teams for at least one year; they also interviewed the sons and two teammates each. The sons reported a multitude of feelings: they enjoyed receiving special attention, being involved in decision-making, and spending extra time with their fathers, but also felt they were treated unfairly at times and reported feeling additional pressure and conflict. The fathers reported difficulty in separating their role as coach from their role as parent, and the sons’ teammates reported that the fathers singled out their children for extra attention, both positive (favoritism) and negative (excessive criticism; Weiss & Fretwell, 2005).

Parents may experience greater stress when having to manage children’s activity schedules, particularly for children who are heavily involved in one OST activity or have a complex schedule with many programs (Simpkins et al., 2019). Parents can struggle to balance busy children’s schedules with their own work schedules, causing them significant stress and leaving them with less time to tend to other family or personal matters; athletic programs in particular take up a great deal of time, which can mean that an entire family’s schedule begins to revolve around a child’s sports season (Bean et al., 2014).

Adolescents.

Observations of the effect of OST activities on family relationships during adolescence have also been mixed. For example, a few researchers claim that closeness and trust can be developed when parents and youth share in a pastime (Larson & Brown, 2007; Lin et al., 2016). However, some researchers focusing on father–daughter pairs have found that daughters coached by their fathers experienced blurred boundaries, frequent conflict, and disconnects in communication; comments that fathers thought were encouraging were seen by their daughters as insulting, and daughters perceived higher levels of conflict overall compared with their fathers (McCann, 2005; Schmid et al., 2015).

Pearson et al. (2007) examined retention patterns in the New York City Department of Youth and Community Development OST Programs for Youth initiative during two school years. They found that family outreach was associated with higher participant retention and that OST programs for high schoolers with higher retention rates were more likely to have a “parent liaison”—a designated person whose job was to serve as the contact point for parents—as a volunteer or staff member. Researchers found that this trend was especially noticeable in programs run through community centers,

where 55% of center-based OST programs with high retention rates had a parent liaison. Interestingly, however, they also discovered that the positive association between retention rate and parent liaison was statistically significant only in the case of volunteer parent liaisons (Pearson et al., 2007).

Peers

Peers are a crucial source of emotional and social support for children and adolescents, playing a major role in identity formation (National Academies, 2019). Young people begin to spend more time with their peers as they age, increasingly valuing their opinions and expectations. During adolescent years, youth are more aware of and strongly motivated by feelings of belonging and positive peer regard (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011; Brown & Larson, 2009; Fredricks & Simpkins, 2013). In late adolescence, youth may rely on peers less when making self-evaluations; adolescents also have greater capacity for perspective-taking and attunement to others, especially in the context of supportive relationships (National Academies, 2019). Critical friendships, or friendships with an individual who is trusted to listen earnestly and provide constructive feedback, is one lens that can be applied to understanding peer relationships in OST programs. Wiggins (2018) studied middle schoolers in an urban OST program: participants with strong relationships and similar goals formed critical friendships marked by an exchange of knowledge, affirmations of one another’s academic identities, and established systems of accountability. Despite the importance of peers in the lives of children and youth, this area remains understudied (Fredricks & Simpkins, 2013).

Children.

Although the bulk of the limited scholarship in this area tends to focus on adolescents, a few studies discuss the role of peer relationships as children age. A paper by Schaefer et al. (2011) suggests that activity co-participation is less closely associated with friendship for middle schoolers, though this changes as the children grow older. Middle schoolers are typically too young to have much autonomy over various everyday decisions, including those related to their friendships and OST activities; their schools are also likely to be smaller and have fewer extracurricular offerings. As these individuals grow older, they begin to more actively select OST activities based on their friendships and vice versa (Eccles & Barber, 1999; Schaefer et al., 2011).

Adolescents.

One study found that having friends participate in the same OST activity increased the odds that an adolescent would participate by 25%–173%, depending on the specific activity; the study results suggested broadly that adolescents were more likely to participate in the same activity as their friends, though the association was stronger for White participants and older adolescents (Simpkins et al., 2012).

Additionally, some researchers have noted that adolescence is a time when young people’s identity exploration and development begin to intersect with their understanding of their racial/ethnic background, as well as that of their friends (see, e.g., National Academies, 2019; Williams & Deutsch, 2016). Youth may be more susceptible to influence because understanding who they are and how they fit within society are central developmental tasks of adolescence (Delgado et al., 2016; National Academies, 2019; Schaefer et al., 2018; Simpkins et al., 2012). Organized OST activities can provide a valuable opportunity to promote cross-racial/ethnic friendships, as long as steps are taken to ensure that discrimination is not allowed to incur and harm the process of relationship development between diverse peer groups (Lin et al., 2016; Moody, 2001).

Other work has also been conducted to study the promotion of relationships between youth from different backgrounds. Siperstein et al. (2019) studied the implementation of schoolwide extracurricular activities based around the acceptance and integration of youth with intellectual disabilities. In a randomized trial, three out of eight schools adopted the Special Olympics Unified Champion Schools (UCS) program “involving inclusive sports, clubs, and schoolwide events” (Siperstein et al., 2019, p. 568). Researchers found significantly positive effects of the UCS program on attitudes toward youth with intellectual disabilities (Siperstein et al., 2019).

To date, no studies separate out the effects of differential selection into participation and the treatment effects of actually participating in OST activities on family and peer relationships; this is an area where high-quality experimental or quasi-experimental evidence is greatly needed.

LONG-TERM OUTCOMES

The idea that participation in OST activities during childhood and adolescence might have a lasting impact on the life trajectory of those who receive such exposures is not far fetched.

Indeed, the Perry Preschool Study and others have demonstrated effects of high-quality preschool programming on participants well into late adulthood, on dimensions ranging from educational and occupational attainment, criminal involvement, civic engagement, and family stability (Baulos et al., 2024). In this vein, the strongest evidence for the impact of organized OST activities on life outcomes would arise from studies that followed youth who participated in such activities well into adulthood. Effects that persist to a measurable extent in adulthood have withstood the observed tendency toward “fade-out” that plagues so many interventions among children and youth.

That said, several studies use nationally representative, longitudinal datasets of children at various ages to examine the associations—conditioned on observables—between participation in extracurricular programs and

longer-term outcomes. These datasets include the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development (two studies), Add Health (two studies), the Educational Longitudinal Study of 2002, and the NELS (two studies).

Using data on high school students from NELS, Gardner et al. (2008) examined the impact of duration of participation in organized OST activities. They found a dose–response association, whereby those who participated in two years of school- or community-based OST activities evinced more positive outcomes in young adulthood than their counterparts who participated for only one year of their high school tenure. The outcomes they measured two and eight years after high school included educational attainment (total years of schooling completed), occupational attainment (employment status and income), and civic engagement (voting and volunteering). Gardner et al. (2008) found associations for all outcomes (for occupation, however, only for school-based activities), and educational attainment largely mediated the effects on occupation and civic engagement. Lleras (2008) also analyzed NELS data and found positive associations of extracurricular activities in high school on educational attainment and earnings 10 years hence, net of a measure of cognitive skills.

Similarly, a study by Haghighat and Knifsend (2019) using the Educational Longitudinal Study of 2002 found that the depth and breadth of extracurricular involvement in 10th grade was positively associated with educational attainment eight years hence. Likewise, using data from Add Health on 12- to 18-year-olds, who were followed up six years later, Barber et al. (2013) found that youth who engaged in a “combination of voluntary and required community-based civic activities as an adolescent, and who participated in any of a number of various types of extracurricular activities” displayed greater community involvement during ages 18–24, controlling for a list of observable factors (p. 1). Meanwhile, Kim and Morgül (2017) used the same Add Health data to examine the impact of voluntary and nonvoluntary youth service on outcomes at ages 18–32. They found that voluntary service was associated with more civic participation and better mental health in adulthood, as well as increased educational attainment and earnings; involuntary “volunteering” during adolescence, however, showed positive effects only on educational attainment and earnings. A small (N = 163), urban, school-based sample also showed that “competence and activity involvement in adolescence predict citizenship and volunteering in adulthood, 10 to 15 years later” (Obradović & Masten, 2007, p. 2). Simpkins et al. (2023) analyzed data from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development and found that youth participation in specific OST activities during adolescence (e.g., sports, arts, community service) was associated with participation in those very same activities at age 26. Using the same dataset, Vandell et al. (2021) found that increased time in early care and education settings between ages one month and 54 months led to higher rates of problem

behaviors in later childhood, adolescence, and adulthood; however, when those children participated in more OST activities in grades 1–5, they evinced less police contact by age 26 years.

In all of these studies the authors controlled for a number of variables available that might be associated with both youth people’s participation and adult outcomes; however, no natural experiment sorted participants quasi-randomly to their levels of participation. Thus, selection issues on which children and youth participate (even in “nonvoluntary” activities) mitigate against interpretation of any of the reported effects as causal. More RCTs are needed to study the long-term impact of OST activities, particularly for children and youth from marginalized backgrounds. See Box 7-11 for a summary of these outcomes.

CONCLUSION

Based upon the review of studies in this report, the committee found that OST programs and activities are associated with positive youth development, but results vary across studies, programs, contexts, and outcomes. Some studies have reported positive impact of a particular program on a particular outcome, whereas other studies have reported null impact. This variation is due in part to young people’s needs, participation, and unique experiences in programs, which is affected by the programs themselves but also by the sectors and systems within the larger OST ecosystem. Less clear is whether certain activities are more effective, whether activities indeed do have larger effects on certain outcomes, or if the preponderance of evidence varies by the methods used in the research.

As summarized above, OST programs have potential to bring about some positive change across a range of outcome domains, including

socioemotional and interpersonal skills; physical, mental, and behavioral health; substance use prevention; school success; and civic engagement. However, studies evaluating the personal and social benefits of OST programs have produced inconsistent findings. This variation is due in part to young people’s needs, participation, and unique experiences at activities, and is affected by the programs themselves but is also out of programs’ control and could be supported by other sectors and systems (e.g., transportation, health, education; see Chapters 3 and 4). Better understanding of how children and youth spend their time when OST programs are not available or when they choose not to participate could provide insights into these inconsistent results. Additionally, the lack of attention to the differential quality and resources of OST programming available to underserved children and youth relative to their more privileged peers may help to explain some of the mixed effects in the literature. As described in previous chapters, this mix of program characteristics, quality, resources, and youth participation and engagement contributes to the skill development and outcomes reviewed in this chapter; differential opportunities and access to high-quality and well-resourced programs and experiences inhibit the positive results that they might demonstrate.

Findings around effectiveness are further complicated by variations in the research designs, participants, and types of outcomes assessed across studies. Methodological problems in previous studies include (but are not limited to) lack of initial group equivalence (i.e., selection into participation as opposed to random assignment), high attrition among respondents, low levels of attendance, and the possible nonrepresentativeness of evaluated programs. Moreover, many older studies also lack data on the racial/ethnic composition or the socioeconomic status of participants, so it was difficult to relate outcomes to these participant characteristics. Missing statistical data at pre- or posttest also have limited the number of effects that can be directly assessed. OST programs may not be particularly effective at improving any one targeted youth outcome, but they hold some promise for the overall general improvement of children and youth.

One important implication of current findings is that research on OST programs needs to be multifaceted and assess multiple dimensions of young people’s personal and social skills development. Overall, findings from this review point to the potential of OST programs, but also to the need for greater specificity in their intentions, goals, methods, and evaluations, including the inputs and moderating processes that are thought to be associated with specific outcomes across OST settings and programs. Also needed are systematic, multisite, and multipopulation studies that are replicated at scale. Chapter 9 lays out the committee’s specific recommendations for further research on the effectiveness of OST programs.

Conclusion 7-1: Out-of-school-time (OST) settings provide a place for the social and emotional development of children and youth, provided they are well designed and offer high-quality experiences that intentionally support these areas of development. OST settings can provide a place that is responsive to young people, where all participants can feel a sense of belonging and be affirmed in their sense of self. Children and youth report that these programs and activities help them develop responsibility, positive work ethic, social skills, and interest in civic activities.

Conclusion 7-2: Out-of-school-time (OST) programs are not easily poised to affect intransient, hard-to-change outcomes such as test scores and grades, which require continuous and effective teaching and are heavily influenced by schools. Although programs and experiences are offered by dedicated and motivated staff that exhibit effects on some outcomes, these programs vary in access to social and economic resources, including the ability to engage well-trained staff who are sensitive to the culture and backgrounds of the students they serve. OST staff are often paraprofessionals with varying degrees of educational and professional experience; they are expected to attain some of the outcomes that are difficult for the most expert of educators. Notwithstanding, some OST programs and experiences have been shown to foster interest and engagement in specific academic domains and socioemotional skills that help children and youth succeed at school, which over the long term may lead to better educational outcomes, such as attendance and graduation.

Conclusion 7-3: Not all out-of-school-time (OST) programs are expected to demonstrate positive effects on all outcomes. OST programs are most likely to affect outcomes that they intentionally support through the content and provision of developmental opportunities.

Conclusion 7-4: Existing literature is unable to delineate whether certain activities are more effective than others, whether activities have larger effects on certain outcomes, or whether the activity effects depend, at least in part, on the alignment of the activity content, quality, and the area of development. More focused systematic, longitudinal rigorous quantitative and qualitative research is needed to understand what specific types of programs, experiences, approaches, and characteristics of out-of-school-time (OST) program quality are linked to positive outcomes across learning, development, and well-being, and for which specific children and youth, families, and communities. Research and evaluation of OST programs need to move beyond comparing those

who do and do not attend to understanding which quality features and experiences in which activities are associated with young people’s development, and for whom—taking into account both activity-level factors (e.g., the content or quality of the activity) and individual-level factors (e.g., engagement in the activity and the individuals’ current functioning and circumstances).

REFERENCES